November 01, 2016

CONSTITUTION of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union [ENG Transl]

Workers of all countries, unite!
CONSTITUTION of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union






Approved by the XXII Congress,

partial changes have been made

XXIII and XXIV Congress of the CPSU

Publisher of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan
Tashkent - 1972






photo old Charter of CPSU


CONTENT
I. Members of the party, their responsibilities and
rights
II. Candidates for members of the party
III. The organizational structure of the par¬
TII. Inner Party democracy
IV. The highest bodies of the party
V. Republics, Territories, ob¬
lasts, county, city and
district organizations of the party
Governing bodies respublity
Kansk, territorial and regional
party organizations
The governing bodies of the district,
city and district (rural
and urban) party organizations
TII
VI. Primary organization party
VII The Party and the Young Communist League
VIII Party organizations in
the Soviet Army

IX. Party groups in
partisan organizations
X. Scale of Party dues



    The Communist Party of the Soviet Union - has a combat tested vanguard of the Soviet people, uniting on a voluntary basis the advanced, the most conscious part of the working class, the collective farm peasantry and the intelligentsia of the USSR.
    Founded by Lenin, as the vanguard of the working class, the Communist Party has traversed a glorious path of struggle, he led the working class and the toiling peasants to the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution and the establishment of the proletarian dictatorship in the USSR. Under the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union eliminated the exploiting classes, has developed and strengthened the moral and political unity of Soviet society. Socialism has triumphed completely and finally. The Communist Party, the party of the working class, now become the party of the entire Soviet people.
    The Party exists for the people and serves the people. It is the highest form of socio-political organization, leading and guiding force of Soviet society. The Party directs the great creative activity of the Soviet people, gives an organized, systematic, scientifically substantiated character to their struggle to achieve the ultimate goal - the victory of communism.
    Party bases its work on the basis of strict observance of the Leninist norms of party life, the principle of collective leadership, the comprehensive development of inner-party democracy, activity and initiative of Communists, criticism and self-criticism.
    Unbreakable Law Party life - ideological and organizational unity, the solidity of its ranks, high conscious discipline of all Communists. Any manifestation of factionalism and group incompatible with the Marxist-Leninist Party, with a stay in the party. The party is exempt from those who violate the Program of the CPSU Statutes and compromising their behavior as a Communist.
    In all activities of the CPSU is guided by the Marxist-Leninist doctrine, developed on the basis of its program, which sets out the main tasks of the Party in the period of building a communist society.
    Creatively developing Marxism-Leninism, the CPSU resolutely fight against all manifestations of revisionism and dogmatism, profoundly alien to revolutionary theory.
    The Communist Party of the Soviet Union - an essential, integral part of the international communist and workers' movement. It stands firmly on the tested Marxist-Leninist principles of proletarian internationalism and actively contributes to strengthening the unity of the international communist and workers' movement, the fraternal ties with the great army of Communists of all countries.

I.
PARTY MEMBERS, THEIR RIGHTS AND OBLIGATIONS
    1. A member of the Communist Party can be any citizen of the Soviet Union to recognize the program and the Constitution of the Party, actively participating in the building of communism, working in one of the Party organizations, carrying out the Party's decisions and pay membership fees.
    2. A Party member must:
    a) fight for the creation of the material-technical base of communism, an example of a communist attitude toward labor, raise productivity, spearheaded a whole new, progressive, support and disseminate best practices, to acquire technology, to improve their skills, to preserve and multiply the public, socialist property - the foundation of the Soviet power and prosperity of the motherland;
    b) firmly and unswervingly implement the decisions of the Party, explain to the masses the party policy, contribute to the strengthening and expansion of relations with the people of the party, to show sensitivity and attention to the people in a timely manner to respond to the requests and needs of the working people;
    c) actively participate in the political life of the country, in the management of public affairs, in the economic and cultural development, to set an example in carrying out public duties, to help the development and consolidation of communist social relations;
    d) master Marxist-Leninist theory, raise their ideological level, contribute to the formation and education of the man of communist society. Wage a determined struggle against all manifestations of bourgeois ideology, with the remnants of private-property psychology, religious prejudices, and other remnants of the past, to respect the principles of communist morality, put public interests above personal ones;
    d) be an active conductor of ideas of socialist internationalism and Soviet patriotism among the masses of workers to combat the vestiges of nationalism and chauvinism, in word and deed contribute to the strengthening of friendship of the Soviet peoples, the fraternal ties of the Soviet people with the peoples of the socialist countries, with the proletariat and working people of all countries;
    e) in every possible way to strengthen the ideological and organizational unity of the party, to protect the party from infiltration by people unworthy of high rank communists, to be truthful and honest with the Party and the people to be vigilant, to keep the party and state secrets;
    g) develop criticism and self-criticism, boldly expose weaknesses and seek to eliminate them, to fight against ostentation, conceit, complacency and parochialism, to give a decisive rebuff any attempt to suppress criticism, to oppose any acts detrimental to the party and the state, and to report them to the party authorities, up to the Central Committee of the CPSU;
    h) steadily carry out the Party line in the selection of personnel according to their political and professional qualities. Be uncompromising in all cases, when violated Leninist principles of selection and training of personnel;
    i) observe Party and state discipline, equally binding on all Party members. Party has one discipline and one law for all communists, regardless of merit and their positions;
    k) to contribute fully to the strengthening of the defense power of the Soviet Union, to conduct a relentless struggle for peace and friendship between peoples.
    3. A Party member has the right to:
    a) to elect and be elected to the party organs;
    b) free discussion at Party meetings, conferences, congresses, at meetings of Party committees and Party press policy and the practical activities of the party, to make proposals, to openly express and defend their views before a decision by the organization;
    c) criticize at Party meetings, conferences, congresses, plenary of the Committee any Communist, regardless of his post. Persons guilty of suppressing criticism and persecution for criticism, should be held to strict party liability, up to expulsion from the party ranks;
    g) to participate personally at Party meetings, meetings of the bureau and committees when discussing his behavior or activity;
    e) ask questions, statements and proposals to any Party body, up to the Central Committee, and to demand an answer on the merits of his appeal.
    4. Admission to the party members made exclusively on an individual basis. The members of the party make a conscious, active and dedicated to the cause of communism the workers, peasants and intellectuals. New members are accepted from candidates that have passed the specified probationary period.
    Those received in the party to be at least 18 years. Young people up to 23 years inclusive joins the party only through the Komsomol.
    The procedure for admission to the party members of the candidates:
    a) entering into the party members are recommendations from three Party members who have a Party standing of at least five years and who know recommended by the joint production and social work at least one year.
Komsomol members joining the party requires a recommendation of the district, city Komsomol committee, which equates to a recommendation by a member of the party.
    Members and alternate members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party refrained from recommendations;
    6) The question of admission to the party is discussed and decided by the general meeting of the primary Party organization; its decision shall be considered adopted if voted for by at least two-thirds of the members of the party were present at the meeting, and shall enter into force after the approval of the district committee, and in the cities, where there is no division into districts - city Party committee.
    In discussing the question of admission to the party is not necessarily recommending presence;
    c) citizens of the USSR who were previously members of the Communist and workers' parties of other countries, are accepted in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union on the basis of rules established by the Central Committee of the CPSU.
    Persons who prior to the other parties accepted the CPSU on a common basis, but with the obligatory statement of regional and territorial committees, the Communist Party of the Union republic.
    5. Recommends to the Party organizations are responsible for the objectivity of the characteristics of political, business and moral qualities recommended.
    6. The party experience to join the party members is calculated from the date of the decision of the general meeting of the primary party organizations of the adoption of the candidate of the party members.
    The treatment of members and alternate members of the party and the transition from one organization to another is determined by the respective regulations of the Central Committee of the CPSU.
    8. The question of the member or alternate members of the party, has not paid the membership fees without valid reasons for three months, subject to discussion in the primary party organization. If it turns out that the member or candidate members of the Party actually lost contact with the party organization, it shall be deemed to have withdrawn from the party, as the primary Party organization makes a decision and submit it for approval by the district committee or the Party Committee.
    9. For non-compliance with statutory obligations and other offenses member or candidate members of the party to be liable and it can be penalties imposed: statement on the form, a reprimand (severe reprimand), reprimand (severe reprimand) to be entered in the registration card. Higher measure of party punishment is expulsion from the Party.
    For minor offenses should apply measures Party education and influence in the form of comradely criticism, Party censure removal, warnings or instructions.
    In deciding whether to exclude from the party must be provided with the maximum attention and a thorough analysis of the reasonableness of the charges against the Communists.
    10. The exclusion of the Communist Party decided by a general meeting of the primary party organization. The decision of the primary party organization of the expulsion from the party shall be deemed adopted if voted for by at least two-thirds of the members of the party were present at the meeting, and shall take effect upon approval by the district committee or city Party committee.
    Before the approval of district or city Party committee decision to expel from the party or the candidate's party membership card remains on the card in the hands of the Communists, and he has the right to attend closed Party meetings.
    With the exception of the party retains the right to, within two months to appeal to the higher Party bodies up to the Central Committee.
    11. The question of bringing to the party liability of members, candidates for the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Union republic, territorial, regional, district committee, city committee, district committee of the party, as well as members of audit committees is discussed in the primary Party organizations.
    Decisions of party organizations on the imposition of penalties on the members and alternate members of the Party committees and members of audit commissions received in the normal way.
    Offers Party organizations to expel from the party shall be communicated to the party committee, is a member of the Communist decision to expel from the party members, candidates for the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Union republic, territorial, regional, district committee, Municipal Committee, Party Committee and Member of Audit Commission accepted at the plenary session the relevant committee by a two-thirds vote of its members.
    The exclusion of a member of the party, a candidate member of the CPSU Central Committee and the Central Auditing Commission members decided by the Party Congress, and in the intervals between congresses - the Plenum of the Central Committee by a majority of two thirds of the members of the Central Committee.
    12. If a party member has committed offenses punishable under criminal law, it should be excluded from the party and prosecuted in accordance with the Law.
    Appeals expelled from the Party and received penalties as well as the decision of the Party organizations to expel from the party considers relevant party bodies in a period not exceeding one month from the date of their receipt.

II
Probationary members
    14. joins the party pass the probationary period required in order to better familiarize themselves with the program and the CPSU Statutes and prepare to join the members of the party. The party organization is to help candidates prepare for accession to the members of the CPSU and to check his personal qualities.
    Probationary period is established for a period of one year.
    15. The procedure for admission to the candidate (individual reception, provision of advice, the decision of the primary organization of the reception and approval) is the same as that for admission to the party members.
    16. At the end of a probationary period, the primary Party organization considers and decides on admission to the members of the party candidate. If, during the passage of a probationary period, the candidate has not proved himself and his personal qualities can not be accepted as a member of the Communist Party, the party organization makes the decision to refuse him admission to the members of the party, and after the approval of this decision, the district committee or city Party committee, he is considered to have withdrawn from candidate members of the CPSU.
    17. Candidates for party members participate in all activities of the party organization and are at Party meetings in an advisory capacity. Candidates for members of the party can not be elected to the governing bodies of the party, delegates at party conferences and congresses.
    18. Candidates for the members of the CPSU party paying contributions in the same size as that of the party members.
    
Ill
The Party's Organizational Structure

Inner-Party Democracy
    19. The guiding principle of the party's organizational structure is democratic centralism, which means:
    a) election of all governing bodies of the party from the bottom up;
    b) periodic reporting Party bodies to their Party organizations and to higher bodies;
    c) strict Party discipline and subordination of the minority to the majority;
    g) unconditionally binding decisions of higher authorities to lower.
    20. The party built on the territorial - production basis: primary organization created by the Communists and the place of work together in regional, city, and so the organization on the territory of... The organization, which serves the given territory, is superior to all party organizations, serving part of it.
    21. All Party organizations are autonomous in dealing with local issues, if these decisions are not contrary to party policy.
    22. The highest governing body of the party organization are: general meeting (for primary organizations), Conference (for the regional, city, district, provincial, regional organizations), the Congress (for the Communist Parties of the Union republics, to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union).
    23. The general meeting, conference or congress shall elect a bureau or committee, which is the executive body and directs all the current work of the Party organization.
    24. Election of party officials held closed (secret) ballot. All members of the party in the elections have an unlimited right to challenge candidates and to criticize them. Voting must be done for each candidate individually. The candidates, of which more than half the votes of the meeting participants, conference or congress.
    In the election of all party bodies - from the primary organizations to the CPSU Central Committee - respect the principle of systematic updating of their composition and leadership succession.
    25. A member of the CPSU Central Committee and candidate member of the CPSU Central Committee, all its activities shall justify the trust placed in him a high party. If a member or candidate member of the CPSU Central Committee dropped his honor and dignity, he can not remain in the Central Committee. The question of removing a member of the Central Committee of the candidate from the Party Central Committee decided at the Plenum of the Central Committee by closed (secret) ballot.
    The decision is considered adopted if it voted not less than two-thirds of all the members of the Central Committee of the CPSU.
    The question of removing a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party candidate the union republic, territorial, regional, district committee, city committee, district committee of the party from the party body decided at the plenum of the committee concerned. The decision is considered adopted if it receives as a result of closed (secret) ballot will be not less than two-thirds of the votes of the members of this committee.
    If a member of the Central Auditing Commission does not justify the high trust placed in him by the Party, it should be removed from the Commission. This issue is resolved at the meeting of the Central Auditing Commission. The decision is considered adopted if the withdrawal of a member of the Central Auditing Commission of its composition as a result of closed (secret) ballot will be filed not less than two-thirds of the members of the Central Auditing Commission.
    The question of the withdrawal of the members of the audit commissions of national, regional, provincial, district, city and regional party organizations of the composition of these committees is decided at meetings of the committees in the manner provided for the members and alternate members of the Party committees.
    26. The free and businesslike discussion of questions of Party policy in individual Party organizations or in the party as a whole is an inalienable right of a member of the party and an important principle of democracy within the party. Only criticism and self-criticism and strengthened Party discipline can be deployed on the basis of intra-party democracy, which must be conscious and not mechanical.
    Within the framework of individual organizations or parties in general are possible debate on controversial or insufficiently clear issues.
    General Party discussion is necessary:
    a) If this need is recognized by several party organizations regional, national scale;
    b) if within the CC do not have enough of a solid majority in the most important matters of party politics;
    c) if the CPSU Central Committee deems it necessary to consult with the whole Party, for whatever policy.
    Broad discussion, especially discussion of all-Union scale for party policy, should be carried out so as to ensure the free expression of the views of party members and attempts to exclude the possibility of the formation of factional groups, breaking the unity of the party, attempts to split the party.
    27. The supreme principle of Party leadership is a collective leadership - an indispensable condition for the normal activity of the Party organizations, the right education of personnel, development of the activity and initiative of Communists. The cult of personality and related violations of internal party democracy can not be tolerated in the party, they are incompatible with the Leninist principles of party life,
    Collective leadership does not remove the personal liability of employees for assignments.
    28. The Communist Party Central Committees of the Union republics, territorial, regional, district committee, city committees, district committees of the party between congresses and conferences regularly inform the party organizations about their work.
    29. For a discussion of the most important decisions of the Party and to develop measures for their implementation, as well as to address issues of local life of the asset shall be convened by the district assembly, city, county, regional, provincial Party organizations and Communist Parties of the Union republics.
    
IV
HIGHER BODIES OF THE PARTY
    30. The supreme organ of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union is the Congress party.
Regular Congresses are convened by the Central Committee at least once every five years.The convening of the Party Congress and the agenda are announced not later than six weeks before the congress. Extraordinary (emergency) Congresses are convened by the Central Committee Party on its own initiative or at the request of at least one third of the total number of Party members represented at the last party congress. Extraordinary (emergency) congresses convened within two months. Congress is considered valid if it is represented by at least half of all members of the party.
    The basis of representation in the Congress of the Party established by the Central Committee.
    31. In the case of the Central Committee of the party nesozyva extraordinary (Extraordinary) Congress of the date specified in paragraph 30 of the period, the organization demanded to convene an extraordinary (Extraordinary) Congress shall have the right to form an organizing committee to exercise the privileges of the Central Committee of the Party for the convening of an extraordinary (emergency) exit.
    32. The Congress:
    a) hear and approve reports of the Central Committee and the Central Auditing Commission and other central institutions;
    b) review, modify and approve the Program and the Charter Party;
    c) defines the party line on issues of internal and foreign policy, consider and decide the most important questions of communist construction;
    g) elects the Central Committee and the Central Auditing Commission.
    33. The Central Committee and the Central Auditing Commission shall be elected in the composition prescribed by Congress. In the case of disposal of the Central Committee, its composition is replenished from among candidates selected by the Congress as a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU.
    34. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the intervals between congresses, directs all activities of the party, local party organs, carries out selection and placement of managerial personnel, directs the work of the central government and public organizations of the working people through the Party groups in them, it creates different bodies, institutions and enterprises of the party and supervises their activities, appoints editors working under the control of the central newspapers and magazines, distributes the funds of the party budget and monitors its implementation.
    The Central Committee represents the CPSU in relations with other parties.
    35. The Central Committee of the Communist Party regularly informs the party organizations about their work.
    36. The CPSU Central Auditing Commission inspects the speed and accuracy of the passage of affairs in the central organs of the party, the cashier and the enterprise of the Central Committee of the CPSU.
    37. The CPSU Central Committee shall hold at least one plenary meeting in six months.Candidates for the Central Committee members present at the plenum of the Central Committee in an advisory capacity.
    38. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union elects to guide Party work between plenary sessions of the Central Committee - the Political Bureau; to guide the ongoing work, mainly on the recruitment and organization of test execution - the Secretariat. The Central Committee elects the General Secretary of the CPSU.
    39. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union will organize at the Central Party Control Committee.
    Party Control Committee of the Central Committee:
    a) verify compliance with the members and candidate members of the CPSU party discipline, attracted to the responsibility of Communists guilty of breaching the Program and the Charter Party, Party and state discipline, as well as violators of Party ethics;
    b) deals with appeals against decisions of the Central Committee of the Communist Parties of the Union republics, territorial and regional party committees to expel from the party and party penalties.
    40. In the period between the Congresses of the CPSU Central Committee as appropriate may convene the All-Union Party Conference to discuss the pressing issues of Party policy.The order of the All-Union Party Conference is determined by the Central Committee.
    
V
Republican, territorial, regional, area, city and district organizations of the party
    41. Republican, territorial, regional, county, city and district Party organizations and committees in their activities are guided by the Program and the Charter Committee, conducted within the republic, territory, region, county, city and district all the work to implement the Party's policy, organize execution directives of the CPSU Central Committee.
    42. The main responsibilities of national, regional, provincial, county, city and district party organizations and their governing bodies are:
    a) political and organizational work among the masses, mobilizing them to carry out the tasks of communist construction, all-round development of industrial and agricultural production, fulfillment and over-fulfillment of state plans; concern for the steady improvement of the material well-being and cultural level of the working people;
    b) the organization of ideological work, propaganda of Marxism-Leninism, increasing the communist consciousness of the working people, the leadership of the local press, radio and TV, monitor the activities of cultural and educational institutions;
    c) Boards of management, trade unions, the Komsomol, co-operatives and other public organizations through the Party groups in them, increasing the involvement of workers in the work of these organizations, the development of initiative and activity of the masses, as a prerequisite for the gradual transition from a socialist statehood to communist social self-government.
    Party organizations are not a substitute for government, trade union, cooperative and other public organizations of the working people, do not allow the mixing of the functions of Party and other bodies, unnecessary duplication of work;
    d) selection and placement of managerial personnel, training them in the spirit of communist ideology, honesty and truthfulness, high responsibility to the Party and the people for the work entrusted to them;
    d) broad involvement of communists in carrying out party work as freelancers, in order of social activities;
    e) organization of various institutions and enterprises within the party of the republic, territory, region, county, city or area of ​​their activity; distribution in its organization of the party funds; systematic information higher party authority and reporting to him about his work.


The governing bodies of republican, territorial
and regional party organizations

    43. The highest authority of the regional, territorial, republican party organization is regional, provincial party conference or congress of the Communist Party of the Union republic, and in between - regional committee, the regional committee of the Communist Party of the Union republic.
    44. Another regional, territorial conference is convened by the regional, county committee once every two or three years. The next congress of the Communist Party of the Union-republic Communist Party is convened at least once every five years. Extraordinary (emergency) conferences, congresses are convened by the decision of the regional, the regional committee of the Communist Party of a Union Republic or at the request of one third of the total membership of the member organizations of the provincial, territorial, republican party organization.
    The norms of representation at the regional, provincial conference, Congress of the Communist Party of a Union Republic shall be established by the relevant committee of the party.
    Regional, provincial conference, Congress of the Communist Party of a Union Republic shall hear the reports of the regional, the regional committee of the Communist Party of a Union Republic, the Audit Committee discusses at its discretion other questions of Party, economic and cultural development, elect regional, the regional committee of the Communist Party of a Union Republic, the auditing commission and delegates to the Party Congress.
    During the period between congresses of the Communist Parties of the Union republics to discuss the most important issues of the Communist Party Central Party organizations may be as necessary to convene the Republican Party conferences. The order of the republican party conferences is determined by the Central Committee of the Communist Parties of the Union republics.
    45. Provincial, territorial committees and the Central Committee of the Communist Parties of the Union republics elect a Bureau, including a committee of secretaries. For secretaries must have a Party standing of five years. At the plenary sessions of the committees shall be approved by the chairmen of the party committees, heads of departments of these committees, party editors of newspapers and magazines.
    To address current issues and verification of performance in regional and territorial committees of the Party and Communist Party Central Committees of the Union republics secretariats can be established.
    46. ​​Plenum of the regional, the regional committee of the Communist Party of a Union Republic shall be convened at least once every four months.
    47. Regional, the regional committee of the Communist Party of a Union Republic headed by the district, city and district party organizations, their activities and checks regularly hear reports of district, city and district committees of the party.
    Party organizations of autonomous republics and autonomous regions, and other members of the edges and the Union republics, working under the direction of the boundary committee, Communist Party Central Committees of the Union republics.
The governing bodies of the district, city
and district (urban and rural) Party organizations
    48. The highest authority of the district, city, district party organization is a county, city, district party conference or general meeting of the Communists convened by the district, city, district committee once every two or three years, and extraordinary - by the decision of the Committee or at the request of one-third the total number of party members, members of the appropriate party organization.
    County, city, district conference (meeting) hears reports of the Committee, the Audit Committee discusses at its discretion other questions of Party, economic and cultural development, elect the district, city, district committee, the Audit committee and delegates to provincial, territorial conference or congress of the Communist Party of the Union republic.
    The norms of representation at the district, municipal and district conference committee established by the relevant party.
    49. district, city, district committee elects a Bureau, including a committee of secretaries and heads of departments approves committee, newspaper editors. For the secretary of the district, city, regional committee must have a Party standing of three years. Secretary of the Committee shall be approved by regional and territorial committees, the Communist Party of the Union republic.
    District, city, district committee organizes and approves the primary Party organizations, directs their activities regularly hear reports on the work of the Party organizations, keeps a record of the Communists.
    51. Plenum of the district, city, regional committee shall be convened at least once every three months.
    District, city, district committee has a freelance instructors, creates permanent or temporary commissions on various aspects of party work and uses other forms of involvement in the Communist Party committee of activity on a voluntary basis.

VI
PRIMARY UNITS OF THE PARTY
    53. The basis of the party are the primary organizations.
    Primary Party organizations are formed at the place of work of the Party members - in the factories, state farms and other enterprises, collective farms, the Soviet Army, institutions, schools, etc., in the presence of at least three members of the party... They can also create territorial primary Party organizations in the community of the Communists in the villages and with the house managements.
    In some cases, with the permission of the regional committee, regional committee, the Communist Party of the Union republic primary Party organizations can be created in several companies belonging to the industrial association and situated, as a rule, in the territory of one district or several districts of the city.
    54. enterprises, collective farms, institutions, where there are more than 50 members and candidate members, in general the primary party organization with the approval of district, city, district committee may be set up party organizations to shops, sites, farms, brigades, divisions, and so on. N .
    Inside the workshop, the district, and so on. N. Organizations, as well as within the primary party organizations with fewer than 50 members and candidates may be established party groups by brigades and other production units.
    55. The supreme body of the primary party organization is the party meeting, which is held at least once a month. The party organizations with craft organizations, the general party meeting shall be held not less than once every two months.
    The major party organizations, with over 300 Communists, general party meeting convened at least in terms of the necessity imposed by the Party committee or at the request of several shop Party organizations,
    56. To maintain the current work of primary and shop Party organization elects the Bureau for one year in an amount established by the caucus. In primary and shop Party organizations with fewer than 15 members of the party, not elected offices and party secretary and his deputy.
    For secretaries of primary and shop Party organizations must have a Party standing of at least one year.
    The primary Party organizations, bringing together at least 150 party members, party workers released positions, as a rule, not installed.
    57. In large factories and offices, with over 300 members and candidate members, and where necessary, taking into account the peculiarities of production and territorial dispersion and organizations with over 100 Communists, with the approval of the regional committee, regional committee, the Communist Party of the Union republic can be created party committees providing guild party organizations of enterprises, institutions, rights of primary party organization.
    The Party organizations of collective and state farms Party committees may be set up in the presence of 50 Communists,
    The party organizations, with over 500 Communists, in some cases, with the permission of the regional committee, regional committee, the Communist Party of the Union republic Party committees can be created in large halls, and party organizations of industrial sites provided the primary party organization law.
    Party committees are elected for two or three years, the number of members is determined by their common party meetings, conferences.
    58. The Party committee of primary organizations with more than 1,000 Communists, with the permission of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of a Union Republic may be granted the right to the district party committee on admission to the Party, keeping records of members and candidates of the Party of Communists and the consideration of personal affairs.
    59. The primary Party organization is guided by the CPSU Program and Statutes. She has been working directly among the working people, rallying them around the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, is organizing the masses to the implementation of the policy of the Party, the struggle for the building of communism.
    The primary Party organization:    
    a) accepts new members of the Communist Party;
    b) brings up the Communists in the spirit of devotion to the Party, ideological conviction, communist morality;
    c) To initiate investigations Communists Marxist-Leninist theory in close connection with the practice of communist construction and opposes any attempt at revisionist distortions of Marxism-Leninism and its dogmatic interpretation;
    d) take care of raising the vanguard role of the Communists in the labor, social, political and economic life of the enterprise, the collective farm, and educational institutions, and so on. etc .;
    d) the organizer of the working people in solving the immediate tasks of communist construction, headed by socialist competition for the fulfillment of state plans and obligations of workers, mobilize the masses to identify and better use of internal resources of enterprises and collective farms, the broad introduction of the achievements of science, technology and experience of the foremost, is seeking strengthening labor discipline, steady increase productivity, improve product quality, takes care of the preservation and growth of public wealth in enterprises, state farms and collective farms;
    e) carries out mass agitation and propaganda work, to educate the masses in the spirit of communism, helping workers develop state and public affairs management skills;
    g) on ​​the basis of broad criticism and self-criticism has been fighting with the manifestations of bureaucratism, parochialism, violations of state discipline, thwarts attempts to deceive the state takes action against slackness, mismanagement and waste in factories, farms and offices;
    h) assists the Regional Committee, slides, District Committee in all its activities and reports to him about his work.
    Party organizations must ensure that every Communist in the whole of his life he kept and planted the working moral principles outlined in the P ro g ra m m e Communist Party - in the moral code of the builder of communism:
    - Devotion to the cause of communism, love for the socialist homeland, the socialist countries;
    - Conscientious work for the public good: he who does not work;
    - Everyone's concern about the preservation and growth of the public domain;
    - A high sense of public duty; intolerance of violations of the public interest;
    - Collectivism and comradely mutual assistance: one for all and all for one;
    - Humane relations and mutual respect between people: man to man - friend, comrade and brother;
    - Honesty and truthfulness, moral purity, simplicity and modesty in public and private life;
    - Mutual respect in the family, concern for the upbringing of children;
    - Uncompromising attitude to injustice, parasitism, dishonesty, careerism and money-grubbing;
    - Friendship and brotherhood among all peoples of the USSR, intolerance of national and racial hatred;
    - Intolerance of the enemies of communism, the cause of peace and freedom of nations;
    - Fraternal solidarity with the working people of all countries, all peoples.
    
60. Primary Party organizations of industrial enterprises, transport, communications, construction, logistics, trade, catering, public utility services, collective and state farms and other agricultural enterprises, design organizations, design bureaus, research institutes, educational institutions , cultural, educational and medical institutions have the right to control administration.
    Party organizations of ministries, state committees and other central and local government, economic institutions and agencies supervise the activities of the staff to implement the Party and government directives, the observance of Soviet laws. They should actively influence the improvement of the operation of the machine, to educate employees in the spirit of high responsibility for their work, take measures to strengthen state discipline and improvement of public services, wage a resolute struggle against the bureaucracy and red tape, a timely report to the appropriate party organs of the shortcomings in the work of institutions, as well as individual employees, regardless of their positions.

VII
Party and Komsomol
    61. All-Union Leninist Young Communist League - amateur youth public organization, an active assistant and reserve of the party. Komsomol helps the Party to educate youth in the spirit of communism, to involve it in the practical construction of a new society, to prepare comprehensively developed generation of people who will live, work and manage public affairs under communism.
    62. Komsomol organizations shall enjoy the right of broad initiative in the discussion and formulation to the appropriate party organizations issues of the enterprise, collective farm, institution. They should be active agents in the case of Party directives in all areas of communist construction, especially where there is no primary Party organizations.
    63. The Young Communist League is led by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.The work of local Komsomol organizations are directed and controlled by the relevant national, regional, provincial, district, city and regional party organizations.
    Local Party bodies and primary Party organizations in the communist education of the youth based on the Komsomol organization, support and disseminate the useful undertakings.
    64. The members of the Komsomol, the Communist Party accepts as members are eliminated from the Young Communist League since joining if they do not occupy leadership positions in the Komsomol organizations.
    
VIII

Party organizations in the Soviet Army
    65. Party organizations in the Soviet Army, its activities are guided by the CPSU Program and Statutes, and operate on the basis of instructions approved by the Central Committee.
    Party organizations of the Soviet Army and ensure conduct of policies the Party in the armed forces, unite their personnel around the Communist Party, educate soldiers in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism, of selfless devotion to the socialist homeland, actively promote the strengthening of the unity of the army and the people, take care of strengthening military discipline, mobilize personnel to perform tasks of combat and political training, mastering new equipment and weapons, the excellent performance of their military duty, orders and orders of commanders.
    66. Leaders of the party work in the armed forces is carried out by the Central Committee of the CPSU through the Main Political Directorate of the Soviet Army and Navy, working on the Rights of the Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU.
    For the heads of political ad- districts and fleets, head of the political armies mandatory five-year, and for the head of the political connections - three-party experience.
    67. Party organizations and political organs of the Soviet Army maintains close ties with local party committees regularly informed about their political work in the army. The secretaries of party organizations and military leaders of the political agencies involved in the work of local party committees.
    
IX

PARTY GROUPS IN nonpartisan organizations

    68. At the congresses, conferences and meetings convened by the government, trade union, cooperative and other mass organizations of the working people, as well as elected bodies of these organizations, where there are at least three members of the party, the party organized by the group. The aim of these groups is the comprehensive strengthening of the influence of the party and carrying out its policies among the non-Party, strengthening Party and state discipline, the fight against bureaucracy, checking the execution of Party and Soviet directives.
    69. Party groups are subject to the relevant party organs: the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Communist Party of a Union Republic, the Regional Committee, Regional Committee, the Regional Committee, slides, District Party Committee.
    For all issues Party groups must strictly and consistently guided by the decisions of the governing bodies of the party.

X
Party Dues
    70. The funds of the party and its organizations consist of membership fees, revenue from businesses of the party and other revenues.
    71. Monthly membership fees for members of the party and the candidates are set in the following amounts:
    
    with earnings in the month:    
    50 rubles 10 kopecks Dues
    from 51 to 100 rubles. "0.5 percent
    from 101 to 150 rubles. "1.0 percent
    from 151 to 200 rubles. "1.5 percent
    from 201 to 250 rubles. "2.0 percent
    from 251 to 300 rubles. "2.5 percent
    more than 300 rubles. "3.0 percent
    monthly
    earnings.
    72. Admission fees are charged when entering the alternate members of the party in the amount of two percent of their monthly earnings.




Western Sanctions aggravate sufferings of the Syrian people, Prensa Latina


[VID]Larry Wilkerson: A Solution for #Syria Will Require the #US to Concede on #Assad and stop backing #Al-Qaeda

Published on 31 Oct 2016

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October 31, 2016

Frontline Poland: A Tale of the “Eastern Flank” : The West's Great War Against Russia, By Jafe Arnold



The object is the defeat and destruction of Russia as an independent world power.

By Jafe Arnold

Unless change prevails, Poland is slated to disappear from the map once again. 

When Polish Defense Minister Antoni Macierewicz recently boasted that the NATO Summit in Warsaw would ensure that “The forces of our allies will finally be in place permanently on the eastern flank”, his formal ministerial title once again helped to show its true colors. That any defense minister would refer to his country as a mere “flank”, especially in an operative military context concerning armed forces other than its own, is a sad relinquishment of sovereignty even in the realm of semantics. Even in the Polish People’s Republic, which today’s Polish elites ceaselessly slander as part of their raison d’être, the country’s leaders never approached their country as an object, but as a conscious subject in international relations which could and ought to strive for the most optimal scenarios possible even within the rigid framework of Cold War confrontation and geopolitical deadlock.
Then, socialist Poland earned itself both ire and praise for its relatively aggressive bartering over its security guarantees unlike now, as Poland resembles little more than a willing toy or, at best, attack dog for the Western elites and corporations which have looted and manipulated it since 1989. Then again, Macierewicz’s statements should come as no surprise. What else could be expected from the man who called the brutal genocide against Poles by Ukrainian Nazis in Volyn in 1943 a mere “Russian manipulation” and claimed that Russia is “today’s greatest threat to global security” which has “undermined international order to the extent of  “no country in recent history”?But the problem neither begins nor ends with Macierewicz, who is merely another, albeit comparatively more preposterous, representative of the Polish elite. Macierewicz is a symptom, while the disease itself plaguing today’s Poland is the country’s subjugation by the US, NATO, and related Atlanticist structures in the EU who are striving to turn Poland into a frontline conflict-zone in a war with Russia.
ABW officers raiding Zmiana’s party office in Warsaw

Warsaw’s ruling clique is allowing NATO to turn Poland into a “suicide bomber”. 

Amidst the heightening crisis of “European integration”  (read: Atlanticist disintegration) and the re-tabling of the question of national sovereignty, Poland stands out as a unique case. As a point of contrast, the big EU countries like Germany, Italy, or France indeed do suffer from being accomplices to the Atlanticist project and anti-Russian crusade. They are restricted to tailing the declining US Empire in foreign policy, are subjected to the violent consequences of the “War on Terror” and the burdens of mass migration provoked by US wars, and both their working people and what’s left of their national bourgeoisie unduly suffer from the anti-Russian sanctions. Not to mention the endless austerity measures desperately imposed to keep the EU welded together in its present, dysfunctional form for the benefit of US imperialism and finance capital. As we have written elsewhere, Poland by all means pays (or, more precisely, is forced to pay) these costs for being a subject of the Atlanticist project. But Poland has an even deeper hole being dug for it by both its native elites and foreign “patrons”: Poland is being turned into the site of a war zone itself, one of the hot battlefields of geopolitical Endkampf. 
This daunting reality manifests itself in two particularly noteworthy spheres. 

Poland as a suicide bomber 


NATO’s embrace of Poland is a malignant Faustian pact liable to make it the first nuclear battlefield in European history.
From a military standpoint, Poland is being positioned as the sacrificial victim for a pre-emptive or subsequent Russian response to NATO aggression. The dangerous implications of NATO’s ever-increasing deployment of troops to Eastern Europe, principally Poland and the Baltic states, are widely known and often cited. But the “cannon fodder” is, in the end, just that. What about the cannon itself?

An increasing number of Poles from across the political spectrum have begun to rally against the potentially horrific fate ..ordained by NATO for their country. But, just like in any occupied zone being prepared for war, they have become the victims of political repression and democratic “cutbacks” to “keep the ranks in line.”

The most critical example of this is the deployment of the infamous “US missile defense systems” on Polish soil. Washington’s official justification of such a project is well known: these missile complexes are allegedly, supposedly intended to defend from an Iranian attack! In reality, most experts besides NATO propagandists and their lackeys acknowledge that this system is aimed at none other than the Russian Federation. But even more intriguing is the nature of these “defense” systems: according to top Russian military analysts Igor Korotchenko and Viktor Baranets, the technicalities of these systems and their utilization doctrine are such that they are not even designed to deflect an attack of any sort, a nuance of enormous gravity behind which lurks a frightening truth. In reality, these systems are coordinated to prevent a responsive counter-attack. In other words, they are meant to attract a responsive strike towards themselves and resist such only after a strike has been launched by the US-NATO side against a target expected to defend itself, ostensibly – let’s call things by their names – Russia. As nuclear power engineer and strategic analyst Albert Naryshkin puts it, “We are talking about a simple, understandable, and quite characteristically American scenario” up to the point of “involving the provocation of “nuclear aggression.” The only thing that Poland stands to win with the installation of US-NATO “defense” missiles on its territory is the certainty that Poland will become a key target in armed exchanges the magnitude of which are likely to resemble a Third World War. It’s enough to heed Vladimir Putin’s pragmatic yet ominous warning: 

As if the presence of such systems – which the Russian Federation has repeatedly iterated it interprets as a liable threat and is preparing a potential military response to – was not enough, then the Atlantic Council’s program for, literally, “arming Poland against Russia,” is the nail in the coffin. Not only does the document call for Poland to violate international conventions by attacking civilian structures “which could include the Moscow metro, the St. Petersburg power network, and Russian state-run media outlets such as RT,” but also openly promotes and elaborates on the notion that Poland is none other than NATO’s frontline. According to the program, “even if Moscow has no immediate intent to challenge NATO directly,” Poland must dramatically expand its armed forces, increase the frequency of provocative exercises to “demonstrate readiness,” deploy offensive cyber operations, “declare” the “right” to “make counterattacks deep into Russian territory” and “dispatch Special Operations Forces (SOF) into Russian territory”, “move forces into the Baltics and possibly Romania,” and “move forward expeditiously” with its $34 billion military modernization procurements to which “might be added US $26 billion.”


In effect, NATO’s proposals for Poland mean further, more ambitious provocations and bellicosity that can only end in turning Poland into the victim of an inconceivably disastrous war in which it has no justifiable
interest.  NATO’s assurance that it will defend and support Poland in any case of conflict can only be taken with a grain of salt, seeing as how the North Atlantic Treaty allows for member-states to fulfill their obligations of assistance by a mere diplomatic note wishing “good luck.” Whether one agrees with the political content of the example or not, it must be admitted that Poland has a long history of being abandoned at the crucial moment by Western powers promising it military support, including in the past century’s two world wars.  That Poland could stand alone in any potential conflict, especially with Russia, is such a dubious point that it is sufficient to quote the rhetorical question posed by Marek Glinka: “If Britain recently acknowledged that its military is inferior to the Russian one, then what about Poland?”
To put it bluntly, Poland is being positioned as a sort of suicide bomber, armed to the teeth but slated to explode thanks either to its own pushing of the button or to the defensive shot of another. Thus, it cannot be excluded that Poland’s “arming for deterrence” is nothing other than an “arming for (self-)destruction.” Just like Wahhabi clerics blessing their suicide bomber fodder and promising them eternal rewards, so are the US and NATO promising Poland that it can only be saved by sacrificing itself. 

Polish democracy under attack by…NATO

An increasing number of Poles from across the political spectrum have begun to rally against this potentially horrific fate for their country. But, just like in any occupied zone being prepared for war, they have become the victims of political repression and democratic “cutbacks” to “keep the ranks in line.” Just like in the famous lines of Pastor Martin Niemoller, “First they came for the communists,” the first anti-NATO forces to come under attack were activists from the Communist Party of Poland and the Grunwald Patriotic Workers Union. It is worth noting that cases to criminalize and punish left activists have been brought for consideration to Poland’s prosecutor for years, but only in the context surrounding the recent war build-up and NATO Summit in Warsaw did the gavel finally fall. On March 31st, four activists were sentenced without due trial to nine months of restricted freedom, hefty fines, and unpaid labor for the “public promotion of totalitarianism.” 

On May 16th, the leader of the political party Zmiana (“Change”), Mateusz Piskorski, issued a prescient warning on his blog that NATO’s newly deployed Very High Readiness Joint Task Force was going to “pacify” protests and opposition groups according to the North Atlantic Treaty’s Article 4 under the pretext of fighting “Russian hybrid war.” Piskorski warned that NATO’s repressive plans, admitted by Multinational Corps Northeast’s General Krol himself, would ultimately render any forms of protest in the country, whether on the streets or on the internet, subject to suppression on the orders of US-NATO advisors. 

Two days later, on May 18th, armed agents of the Internal Security Agency raided Zmiana’s office and its activists’ homes and arrested and imprisoned Piskorski while a media campaign hurled the ridiculous charges that he was a “Russian, Chinese, and/or Iraqi spy.” In a most telling and foreboding instance, officers even confiscated ordinary Polish flags from Zmiana’s activists, a move which in Polish history usually accompanies war on Polish soil. Without any official chargesbrought against him, Poland’s leading anti-NATO figure who confidently declared in 2015 that “a Poland without NATO is a Poland without wars”, to this day remains in isolation in prison, from where he has stressed in two urgent letters (1 , 2) that Poland is being converted into a launch pad and target for WWIII. Piskorski’s arrest marked the intense upswing inrepression with clear geopolitical consequences. It is no accident that Zmiana, Poland’s leading anti-Atlanticist opposition which stands for Poland leaving NATO and seeking voluntary, mutually beneficial relations with all countries, has come under the bombardment of Poland’s Western corporate media and security services. 

So far, Mateusz Piskorski is the biggest example of what is to come for Poland under NATO’s thumb, under the pretext of “fighting hybrid war,” and under the beating drums of mobilization for a war whose instigators have no need for brave advocates of sovereignty and peace. Will the ordinary middle-aged woman, neither an activist nor associated with Zmiana, who wrote a letter of sympathy to Piskorski also be arrested? So far, the police have called her in for interrogation, just as they’ve urged members of Zmiana’s independent trade union to resign, or else…Apparently, any kind of oppositional sentiment is now considered worthy of swinging the state’s coercive forces into action. On August 11th, metropolitan police travelled 350 km into the countryside just to wake up and arrest 20-year-old Zmiana activist Bartosz Tomassi for “publicly promoting totalitarianism” by posting a profile picture on Facebook featuring a hammer and sickle. 

The wave of political repression that has hit Poland over the past several months is here to stay. Just like the show trials and repression that engulfed Europe in the 1930’s, their contemporary enactment in Poland is linked to the possibility of impending conflict. And the more that Poland’s “elite” and its colonial masters accelerate the drive towards war, the more “temporary security measures” and arrests will become part of the daily political landscape, whose “politics” could soon enough turn into those “politics by another means.” 

As has been the case throughout history, the Polish question today is faced with being decided amidst acute international stakes and tremendous paradigm change. As the unipolar world is violently sliding into the abyss while a nascent multipolar world is slowly but surely emerging, Poland’s current trajectory sets it on the course to tragedy.  This is the unavoidable, pivotal context which must be factored into any analysis of the struggle in and over Poland. If progressive forces like Change (Zmiana) don’t cope with this reality, then Poland’s existence on the map itself is threatened. 
 - - -


Distinguished Collaborator Jafe Arnold (J. Arnoldski) is an American expat studying European history and culture at the University of Wroclaw, Poland. Formerly an activist on the American left, he is currently a research fellow and Polish liaison for the Center for Syncretic Studies, a translator and editor at Fort Russ, and the founding editor-in-chief of Eurasianist Internet Archive. Besides translating unique analyses from Russian and Polish for English-language audiences, Arnold’s interests and expertise include geopolitical processes and ideological developments in Eastern Europe and the post-Soviet space. 

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