Showing posts with label Communist Party of China. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Communist Party of China. Show all posts

June 30, 2011

Revisiting Alleged 30 Million Famine Deaths during China’s Great Leap, Written by Utsa Patnaik, in People's Democracy, (Weekly Organ of the CPI(M), Vol. XXXV No. 26, June 26, 2011



http://bit.ly/jaBMO0


THIRTY years ago, a highly successful vilification campaign was launched against Mao Zedong, saying that a massive famine in which 27 to 30 million people died in China took place during the Great Leap period, 1958 to 1961, which marked the formation of the people’s communes under his leadership. The main basis of this assertion was, first, the population deficit in China during 1958 to 1961 and, second, the work of two North American demographers, A J Coale (Rapid Population Change in China 1952-1982, 1982) and Judith Banister (China’s Changing Population, 1987). No one bothered to look at the highly dubious method through which these demographers had arrived at their apocalyptic figures.



The ‘estimate’ was later widely publicised by Amartya K Sen who built an entire theory, saying that democratic freedom, especially press freedom, in India meant that famine was avoided while its absence in China explains why the world did not know that such a massive famine had taken place until as much as a quarter century later when the North American demographers painstakingly uncovered it.



The capitalist press was happy to reciprocate the compliment by repeatedly writing of “30 million famine deaths,” to the extent that a fiction was established as historical fact in readers’ minds. The London Economist had a special issue on China some years ago, which repeated the allegation of 30 million deaths in three separate articles and refused to publish the Letter to the Editor this author sent contradicting the claim. More recently, in his Introduction to the book Mao Zedong on Practice and Contradiction, which he edited and published in 2006, Slavoj Zizek also mentioned the figure of 30 millions as though it were a given fact. Well known intellectuals have to be taken seriously and the claim examined.



TWO ROUTES

There are two routes through which very large ‘famine deaths’ have been claimed --- firstly, population deficit and, secondly, imputing births and deaths which did not actually take place. Looking at China’s official population data from its 1953 and 1964 censuses, we see that if the rate of population increase up to 1958 had been maintained, the population should have been 27 million higher over the period over 1959-1961 than it actually was. This population deficit is also discussed by the demographers Pravin Visaria and Leela Visaria. The population deficit was widely equated with ‘famine deaths.’ But 18 million of the people alleged to have died in a famine were not born in the first place. The decline in the birth rate from 29 in 1958 to 18 in 1961 is being counted as famine deaths. The Chinese are a highly talented people, but they have not learnt the art of dying without being born.



There is a basic responsibility that everyone, and more particularly academics, has to be clear and precise about. To say or write that “27 million people died in the famine in China” conveys to the reader that people who were actually present and alive, starved to death.  But this did not actually happen and the statement that it did is false.



China had lowered it death rate sharply from 20 to 12 per thousand between 1953 and 1958. (India did not reach the latter level until over a quarter century later.) After the radical land reforms and the formation of rural cooperatives, there were mass campaigns to clean up the environment and do away with disease bearing pests while a basic rural health care system was put in place. That a dramatic reduction in the rural death rate was achieved, is not disputed by anyone. During the early commune formation from 1958, there was a massive mobilisation of peasants for a stupendous construction effort, which completely altered for a few years the normal patterns of peasant family life. Women were drawn into the workforce, communal kitchens were established and children looked after in crèches as most of the able-bodied population moved to irrigation and other work sites during the slack season. We find a graphic description of this period of mass mobilisation in Wiliam Hinton’s Shenfan. When this author spent three weeks in China in 1983, visiting several communes --- which still existed at that time --- she was told every time that “we built our water conservation system during the Great Leap.” The birth rate fall from 1959 had to do with labour mobilisation, and not low nutrition since the 1958 foodgrain output was exceptionally good at 200 million tons (mt).



HOLES IN THE ARGUMENT

There was excess mortality compared to the 1958 level over the next three years, of a much smaller order. Let us be clear on the basic facts about what did happen: there was a run of three years of bad harvests in China --- drought in some parts, floods in others, and pest attacks. Foodgrain output fell from the 1958 good harvest of 200 mt to 170 mt in 1959 and further to 143.5 mt in 1960, with 1961 registering a small recovery to 147 million tons. This was a one-third decline, larger than the one-quarter decline India saw during its mid-1960s drought and food crisis. Grain output drop coincided in time with the formation of the communes, and this lent itself to a fallacious causal link being argued by the academics who were inclined to do so, and they blamed the commune formation for the output decline. One can much more plausibly argue precisely the opposite --- that without the egalitarian distribution that the communes practised, the impact on people of the output decline, which arose for independent reasons and would have taken place anyway, would have been far worse. Further, without the 46,000 reservoirs built with collective labour on the communes up to 1980, the effects of later droughts would have been very severe. Recovery to the 200 million ton level took place only by 1965. Throughout, however, the per capita foodgrain output in China even during the worst year, 1960, remained substantially above that in India.



As output declined from 1959, there was a rise in the officially measured death rate from 12 in 1958 to 14.6 in 1959, followed by a sharp rise in 1960 to 25.4 per thousand, falling the next year to 14.2 and further to 10 in 1962. While, clearly, 1960 was an abnormal year with about 8 million deaths in excess of the 1958 level, note that this peak official ‘famine’ death rate of 25.4 per thousand in China was little different from India’s 24.8 death rate in the same year which was considered quite normal and attracted no criticism. If we take the remarkably low death rate of 12 per thousand that China had achieved by 1958 as the benchmark, and calculate the deaths in excess of this over the period 1959 to 1961, it totals 11.5 million. This is the maximal estimate of possible ‘famine deaths.’ Even this order of excess deaths is puzzling given the egalitarian distribution in China, since its average grain output per head was considerably above India’s level even in the worst year, and India saw no generalised famine in the mid-1960s.   



IDEOLOGICAL BIAS

Relative to China’s population, this figure of plausible excess mortality is low and it did not satisfy the academics in northern universities who have been always strongly opposed to socialised production. Coale’s and Banister’s estimates gave them the ammunition they were looking for to attack the communes. How exactly do Coale and Banister reach a figure of ‘famine deaths’ which is three times higher than the maximal plausible estimate? Examining carefully how they arrived at 30 million ‘famine deaths’ estimate, we find that the figure was manufactured by using indefensible assumptions, and has had no scholarly basis.



In the 1982 census, there was a survey on fertility covering one million persons or a mere 0.1 per cent sample of the population, who were asked about births and deaths from the early 1950s onwards. The very high total fertility rate obtained from this 1982 survey is used by them to say that millions more were actually born between the two census years, 1953 and 1964, than were officially recorded. They ignore the birth rate of 37 per thousand derived from a very much larger 1953 sample which had covered five per cent of all households and was specially designed to collect the information on births and deaths used in the official estimates. Instead, they impute birth rates of 43 to 44 per thousand to the 1950s, using the 1982 survey. There is no justification for such an arbitrary procedure of using a much later reported high fertility rate for a long distant past. We know that a distant recall period makes responses inaccurate. These imputed extra births between 1953 and 1964 total a massive 50 million but according to them did not increase by an iota the 1964 population total, 694.6 million, the official figure which they assume as correct. Thus, although all official birth and death rates are rejected by them, the official population totals are accepted. This opportunistic assumption is clearly necessary for their purpose because it allows them to assert that the same number of extra people died between 1953 and 1964, as the extra people they claim were born.



FALLACIOUS CLAIMS

But the demographers are still not satisfied with the 50 million extra births and deaths that they have conjured up. Fitting a linear time trend to the falling death rate of the early fifties is done to say that deaths should have continued to decline steeply after 1958 and since it did not, the difference from the trend meant additional ‘famine deaths.’ Such straight-line trend fitting is a senseless procedure since the death rate necessarily shows non-linear behaviour. It cannot continue falling at the same steep rate; it has to flatten out and cannot reach zero in any population --- not even the inimitable Chinese people could hope to become immortal. The final estimate of extra deaths in both authors is raised thereby to a massive 60 million, a heroic 65 per cent higher than the official total of deaths over the inter-censal period.



Having created these 60 million extra deaths at their own sweet will out of nothing, the authors then proceed to allocate them over the years 1953 to 1964, arbitrarily attributing a higher portion to the great leap years in particular. The arbitrariness is clear from the variation in their own manipulations of the figures. Coale’s allocation raises his peak death rate in 1960 to 38.8 per thousand while Banister is bolder and raises it to 44.6 compared to the official 25.4 for that year, and 30 million ‘famine deaths’ are claimed over the Great Leap years after all this  smart legerdemain. Having violated every tenet of reason, these ‘academics’ may as well have allocated all their imaginary deaths to the Great Leap years and claimed that 60 million died --- why hang themselves only for a lamb rather than for a sheep! Seldom have we seen basic norms of academic probity and honesty being more blatantly violated, than in this travesty of statistical ‘estimates.’ And seldom have  noted intellectuals, who might have been expected to show more common sense, shown instead more credulous naivete and  irresponsibility, by accepting without investigation and propagating such nonsensical ‘estimates,’ giving them the status of historical fact. In the process, they have libelled and continue to libel Mao Zedong, a great patriot and revolutionary. They have unwittingly confirmed the principle attributed to Goebbels --- that a lie has to be a really big lie and be endlessly repeated; then it is bound to be believed.



Thirty million or three crores is not a small figure. When one million people died in Britain’s colony, Ireland, in 1846-47, the world knew about it. When three million people died in the 1943-44 Bengal famine, the fact that a famine occurred was known. Yet 30 million people are supposed to have died in China without anyone knowing at that time that a famine took place. The reason no one knew about it is simple, for a massive famine did not take place at all. The intellectuals who quote the massive famine deaths figure of 30 million today, are no doubt outstandingly clever in the small, im kleinen, but are proving themselves to be rather foolish im grossen, in the large. A person has to be very foolhardy indeed to say that 30 million people died in a famine without anyone including the foreign diplomats in China and the China-watchers abroad having the slightest inkling of it. And those who credulously believe this claim and uncritically repeat it show an even greater folly than the originators of the claim.                                                
                                                       ************

July 06, 2009

Xinjiang: the jewel in China's crown: Suppression of Uighur dissent reflects deep fear in Beijing that separatists could splinter the nation


By: Charles Cumming
July 06, 2009

Source: The Guardian




Riots in China's restless Xinjiang province are nothing new. In 1990, 50 people were killed in the town of Baren when armed police put down a demonstration against Chinese rule by 3,000 disgruntled Muslims. In 1997, members of the province's ethnic Uighur population gathered in the city of Gulja to protest against the execution of 30 activists who had been campaigning for an independent Eastern Turkestan. After two days of demonstrations, Chinese riot police moved in. The official death toll was put at nine, but some western observers say as many as 400 people died.

Early reports following Sunday's riot in Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang, estimated that 140 people were killed and more than 800 injured when police and soldiers broke up a peaceful demonstration by Uighurs, which quickly turned violent. The riot, in which Han civilians were attacked, cars overturned and shops set on fire, has been described as the most bloody since the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989.

More so even than Tibet, Xinjiang is the jewel in the crown of the People's Republic. A strategic buffer between China and the former Soviet republics, it accounts for a sixth of China's land mass and is rich in oil and gas deposits. The Communist regime is anxious, to the point of paranoia, that a coherent separatist movement will lead to an independent Xinjiang and thus to the fracturing of the country.

For this reason, it will stop at nothing to suppress Uighur dissent. If history is anything to go by, the next six months will be a desperate period for the Uighurs. In the wake of the Baren incident, every male in the area between the age of 13 and 60 was arrested. After the riots in Gulja, so many Muslim men were taken into custody the authorities were obliged to move them to a sports stadium on the outskirts of the city.

According to Amnesty International, the prisoners were hosed with water cannons and had to live without shelter for several days. It was mid-winter. Many lost hands and fingers to frostbite. The alleged ringleaders of the Gulja uprising were driven through the streets of the city in open trucks en route to a mass sentencing rally. Witnesses reported they appeared drugged and were beaten by their captors in full view of the crowd.

During this period, house-to-house searches became commonplace across Xinjiang. Curfews were imposed and foreign journalists barred from entering the region. A similar picture emerged in Tibet after last year's riots. Monastery towns were sealed off and mass arrests carried out. Around 1,200 Tibetans seized during this period are still unaccounted for by their families. Beijing blamed the Dalai Lama for instigating the riots. It came as no surprise, therefore, to learn that last Sunday's events in Urumqi have been blamed on Rebiya Kadeer, the businesswoman who lives in the United States and is regarded by the Uighur community as a ruler-in-exile.

The Uighurs and their Han rulers are engaged in a cycle of violence and despair that shows no sign of abating. In recent weeks, tensions between them were running high due to the seemingly heedless destruction of the old city of Kashgar. Buildings of enormous historical and cultural significance are being torn down to make way for highways and apartment blocks that symbolise the Chinese economic miracle. Uighur families who have lived in Kashgar for decades are being forcibly evicted to new homes on the outskirts of the city.

The frustration and resentment felt by most Uighurs at China's crass insensitivity boiled over last Sunday. It can only be hoped that the continued suppression of Uighurs does not drive its more radical elements into the hands of ideologues and fanatics.

People need to understand that the Uigers belong in China, are not separatists, and are just as Chinese as anyone. This would be like saying people in Bradford are not British, do not want to assimilate and don't interact with people from other countries.


This would be like saying people in Bradford are not British, do not want to assimilate and don't interact with people from other countries.

Have you been to Bradford? It is unofficial apartheid, people don't mix, there is no Multicultural utopia, just two groups who hate each other, and one wrong move or word will cause a riot.

The author is very quick to blame the Chinese, knowing just how well Muslims integrate in countries when they are the minority. Where is the proof? He is just repeating the Reuters/Associated Press versions of events, how is that journalism?

But being CiF, we will get the same old "Islam is peace", and "those evil Chinese are at fault". The Chinese do bad things, but then so does the US, and our army is partly responsible for the massacre of 1 million Muslims in Iraq and Afghanistan. And why are we in those two countries?

A strategic buffer between China and the former Soviet republics, it accounts for a sixth of China's land mass and is rich in oil and gas deposits.

Who really has the moral high ground here?

June 04, 2009

China's communists defend Leninism, The Guardian (CPA) Sept 12, 2001



China's communists defend Leninism






Deng Xiaoping













It is not uncommon to hear Marxism-Leninism described as a dogma or
outdated and irrelevant to the issues of the 21st century. This is
particularly so since the setbacks in the former Soviet Union and socialist
states of Eastern Europe. The following article from the theoretical
journal of the Communist Party of China makes an evaluation of the science
of Leninism in today's context.


Lenin actively participated in the Socialist world movement and supported
the struggle of the working class in all countries: he stood up against
imperialist aggression and expansionism and upheld revolutionary principles
within the Second International.
After the October Revolution Lenin
directed the formation of the Communist International and lent sincere
support to the founding, development, and maturation of Communist parties
in many countries. He energetically supported the struggles for national
liberation of colonial peoples, and fostered the rise of the Socialist
movement and of national liberation movements on a world scale.

Lenin upheld the basic principles of Marxism and linked them to the
international workers' movement, to national liberation movements, as well
as Russia's revolutionary practice. He drew upon practical experiences,
comprised the wisdom of peoples, and applied Marxism creatively, enriching
and developing its theoretical basis.


Lenin solved scientifically a number of great theoretical and practical
questions of the Socialist world movement in the era of imperialism,
thereby achieving the transition of Marxism to the stage of Leninism.

Lenin was not only the teacher of the international proletariat, but also
the sincere friend of the Chinese people. Just as Marx and Engels, Lenin
attentively followed the changes in Chinese society.

From 1900 onwards Lenin had written a number of articles which unmasked the
crimes of the imperialist aggressors against China and gave many profound
and scientific theoretical analyses of the Chinese Revolution. Lenin had
great expectations for the future development of Chinese society. ... This
the Chinese people will always remember.

During the past decades there have been occasional conflicting assessments
of Lenin and Leninism throughout the world. In particular, after the
drastic changes in the Soviet Union, and its disintegration, Lenin's
achievements, and Leninism, were confronted with serious challenges and
were denigrated by many.

An evaluation of Lenin is not merely a question of Lenin the person, but
also a question of evaluating the cause he represented, and the theory he
created. It is not merely a matter of sentiment towards a historical
personality but highly relevant political question and a complex and
profound theoretical one.

Essentially these issues touch upon an assessment of the total history of
Socialism in the 20th century. Without doubt Lenin, too, made mistakes.
Some Socialist states also committed errors, underwent serious deformities
to the stage when drastic changes led to their disintegration.

However, the causes underlying the evolution of historical processes are
highly complex. In a certain sense the mistakes occurred because the
successors failed to observe the basic principles of Leninism.....

If one negates Lenin and Leninism one also negates, simultaneously, the
entire 20th century history of the heroic struggle of communists for the
establishment and construction of Socialism. Faced with such an important
question of principle we have to adopt a very serious scientific position
and maintain political sensitivity and determination.


Studying Lenin and maintaining the basic principles of Leninism does not
mean that with Lenin and Leninism the investigative process of humanity in
search of truth is concluded. Exactly the opposite is the case.

Marxism-Leninism is not a closed system, but a science which is constantly
enriched and further developed by practice.

Deng Xiaoping said: "One cannot demand of Marx to provide ready-made
answers to questions which have arisen more than one hundred years ...
after his death. Neither can Lenin assume the task of providing ready-made
solutions to problems which arose fifty or one hundred years after his
death".

The task of enriching and further developing Marxism-Leninism demands a
vital and creative mind. In its essence theoretical work is creative work
which requires the continuous raising of new questions, collecting of new
material, the opening-up of new areas of activity and the development of
new ideas, the bringing forth of new theories. It also means to investigate
the unknown and to raise hitherto undiscovered treasures.


If Lenin would not have created something new on the foundation of Marxist
theories he would not have been able to show his followers the way to
success.

Opening-up and creating what is new are the fundamental requirements of the
scientific method of Marxism-Leninism. It is the value of theoretical
investigation that it is always in the front-line of its time and not
trailing behind practice.

For the Communist Party of China the study of Lenin means, first of all,
the link of Marxism-Leninism with the characteristics of the present epoch
and with Chinese reality, so as to assiduously promote the construction of
Socialism with Chinese characteristics The theory of Deng Xiaoping and
Marxism-Leninism, the ideas of Mao Zedong, are a unified ideological system
of the same school.


* * *


First published in "Qiushi Zazhi" (8/2000), the Theoretical Journal of
the Central Committee of the CPC, translated by Ambassador(ret.) Rolf
Berthold from Chinese into German (abridged) and then translated from
German to English by Vera Butler.

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