1. Lessons of the People's Front era and Cold War in the USA: Fred Carlisle's essay: 'William Z. Foster': Background Context
Earl
Russell Browder (1891 – 1973) was an American political activist,
functionary and leader of the Communist Party USA. He led the American
party during the 1930s and first half of the 1940s. The latter 2/3rds of
the period was the era of the broad "People's Front" against fascism
and FDR's New Deal. As the 1930s progressed and the New Deal policies of
the Roosevelt admin became rooted in structures, the Browder-led CPUSA
moved from a position of opposition to critical support. It was a period
of great activity in the Party building unity with ties in Labor and
with the Democratic Party at city, district and state levels.
Browder's
chief ideological rival in the Communist Party leadership in this
interval was William Z. Foster. Foster had maintained a militant
ideological position against capitalism and for the independent
political work of the Marxist-Leninist party in the struggle for
socialism throughout his life in the party, albeit with more or less
open candor..
After the Conference of the wartime Grand
Alliance in Tehran at the close of 1943 the Communist Party USA at
Browder's initiative with the Political Buro of the party changed The
Communist Party USA into the "Communist Political Association" in
keeping with the Browder over-estimation of the harmonization of the
global powers interests and the recession of class-struggle as a
consequence of the defeat of Fascism.
The question of
whether or not the form and line of the Communist Political Association
of the U.S.A. represented a departure from Marxism, first arose as a
result of the publication in the New York Worker of May 27, 1945, of the
now famous article 'On the dissolution of the Communist Party of the
United States' by Jacques Duclos, one of the main leaders of the
Communist Party of France. It was claimed that in his Teheran thesis
Browder had excised the class struggle, eliminated the Leninist concept
of imperialism and had bought into Class collaboration holus bolus.
In the party shakeup that followed William Z. Foster
now became Party leader. Two years later, after being criticised by
leaders in the Soviet Union and elsewhere in the socialist camp, Browder
was expelled from the reconstituted Communist Party of the United
States.
2. The Anti-Revisionist Protest against Browderism (excerpt):
*"In
unfolding his Teheran perspective, Browder said, “Capitalism and
socialism have begun to find the way to peaceful coexistence and
collaboration in the same world.”[4] Though the Teheran agreement of
Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin was essentially a military one, Browder
exalted it into a plan for a postwar utopia in which contradictions
would fade away between imperialist and socialist countries and between
imperialist and colonial countries. “It is the most stupid mistake to
suppose that any American interest, even that of American monopoly
capitalism, is incompatible with the necessary people’s revolution in
Europe,” he declared.[5] With a few quick strokes of his pen, Browder
went on to liberate the colonial and semi-colonial countries as follows:
(1) “America, with by far the strongest capitalist economy in the
world, must have enormous postwar markets for its products,” (2)
“Colonial or semi-colonial regimes provide narrow and restricted
markets, while independent, self-governing nations provide expanding
markets” and (3) the U.S. must have a policy “directed, therefore,
toward abolishing the colonial system and its replacement by a system of
free, self-governing, unified nations.” While allowing that some
old-fashioned fuddy-duddy capitalists might balk at these changes,
Browder was convinced that a sufficient number of big capitalists,
especially here in the U.S., would welcome them, thus assuring peaceful
transitions to socialism in Europe and colonial liberation in Asia,
Africa and Latin America. Whereas Lenin described imperialism as
parasitic, decadent and moribund, Browder, who shunned the word
“imperialism,” said that American capitalism “retains some of the
characteristics of a young capitalism,” that it would play a
“progressive role” and be a force for peace for a long time."
[4] Foster, History of the CP of the US., p. 422.
[5] Browder, Teheran, International Pub., 1944, p. 44.
*excerpted from Fred Carlisle's essay: 'William Z. Foster' in Marxist-Leninist Quarterly, Vol. II, No. 1 (1964)
3. Concluding Reflection
The
Cuban and the Venezuelan were, together with the Colombian, the
Cp's which most openly and fully accepted the ideas of Browder,
quoting him by name in party speeches and publications and, after his
political 'retirement' via the above-named article by Duclos, were those
which
made their self-criticism by explaining their deviations as a
consequence of Browder's influence over them. As Emile Schepers wrote in a 2010 article: "In the case of Cuba the [Communist Party's Name] was changed to People's Socialist Party; in that of Mexico there was an effort to dissolve the Communist Party, which was resisted. This was all based on the idea that the Democratic Party would move the United States, and thus the world, in the direction of socialism. But the both major US political parties moved sharply to the right after World War II, and the Latin American parties who had followed our lead... in these things had to reorganize themselves completely to deal with new imperialist assaults in the region."
To what extent the verdict
of Fred Carlisle represents a fair representation of Browder's fully developed
American Exceptionalism after Tehran is not going to be settled in this
brief exercise. Undoubtedly the early and middle period Browder policy
of the Popular Front prior to his revisionism after Tehran led the
American Party into growth, fruitful and dynamic coalition building,
penetration and expansion of Unionism, and helped guide the direction of
progressive American policy under FDR.
But as John Gates pointed out in his book, The Story of an American Communist
(1959): "Browder had developed several bold ideas which were stimulated
by the unprecedented situation, and now he proceeded to put them into
effect. At a national convention in 1944, the Communist Party of the
United States dissolved and reformed itself into the Communist Political
Association." Ring Lardner,
another party member, explained: "The change seemed only to bring the
nomenclature in line with reality. Our political activities, by then,
were virtually identical to those of our liberal friends."
Browder's
naively utopian post-Tehran political commitment to a
cross-class global alignment did not match
up with the aggressive re-assertion of US war-mongering Reaction
following WW 2 during the early days of The Cold War. The article by
Duclos was an
important factor in the replacement of Browder by chair Eugene Dennis
and the re-establishment of the CPUSA. Browder had powerfully led during
the war years when the US, Soviet Union and UK were united in
combatting the common enemy of Fascism. But with the death of FDR and
accession of Truman there arose a malignant interpretation of the
expansion of socialism in areas of east and central Europe liberated by
the Soviets. American foreign policy had a new (old) enemy in Communism
and the A-bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki seemed to be the ominous
signal to the Soviet troops winning in Manchuria that the USSR was next
in America's sights.
Today is not 1945,
nevertheless in 2015 we remain in the centre of an aggressive US foreign
policy targetting The Russian Federation by NATO expansion, Trade
sanctions, isolation, and press demonisation within an overall policy of
Containment. Does anyone believe
the US is threatened by Venezuela as announced this past week by the
Obama administration? Meanwhile military and political leaders and
pundits in the US are forecasting a generational war in The Middle East
against ISIS. Will the future hold an escalated proxy war or worse in
confrontation with Russia in Ukraine?
Whatever Obama's
next move is toward Venezuela or Pakistan or Syria or Russia or the
drone program, it is clear
we are still in the centre of an epoch of aggressive US imperialism.
The parallel to 1945-7 is not exact but close enough to allow us to
consider
again how the contradiction between the past and present CPUSA-endorsed
people's fronts in alliances with the Democratic Party, Labor, Black
Americans, etc have been stymied, blunted and even confounded by the
persistence of the malevolent structure of US imperialism and
militarism. War and the US ruling-class's addiction to the blandishments of the
'war-party' within both American legislative parties has
destroyed progressive domestic-policy presidencies more than once, and
destroyed the invaded and occupied nations. War and the threat of new
wars haunts American communist great beginnings and progressive people's
coalitions like a doleful spectre.
Suggested Readings
*Carlisle article: https://marxists.anu.edu.au/history/erol/periodicals/mlq-us/two-1-1.htm
_Marxism in the USA: Remapping the History of the American Left._ Paul Buhle, London: Verso, 1987.
_The Story of An American Communist_. John Gates, Thomas Nelson and Sons, New York: 1958.
_The Politics of War: The World and US Foreign Policy, 1943-1945_ by Gabriel Kolko, Random House, 1968.
'William Z. Foster' by Fred Carlisle published in Marxist-Leninist Quarterly, Vol. II, No. 1 (1964)
_The Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left: If I Had A Hammer, by Maurice Isserman, Basic Books, New York, 1987.
'The 'New' Imperialism', by Zoltan Zigedy, Marxism-Leninism Today. February 17, 2015.
'The
New Political Reality: Analysis and Perspective', Excerpted from the
main political report to the Central Committee CPUSA, December 1980.
'U.S. escalates tensions with Venezuela' by Emile Schepers in peoplesworld March 12 2015.
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