Source: what's left
The Soviet Union was dissolved 22 years ago, on December 26,
1991. It’s widely believed outside the former republics of the USSR that Soviet
citizens fervently wished for this; that Stalin was hated as a vile despot;
that the USSR’s socialist economy never worked; and that the citizens of the
former Soviet Union prefer the life they have today under capitalist democracy
to, what, in the fevered parlance of Western journalists, politicians and
historians, was the repressive, dictatorial rule of a one-party state which
presided over a sclerotic, creaky and unworkable socialist economy.
None of these beliefs is true.
Myth #1. The Soviet
Union had no popular support. On March 17, 1991, nine months before the Soviet Union’s
demise, Soviet citizens went to the polls to vote on a referendum which asked
whether they were in favor of preserving the USSR. Over three-quarters voted
yes. Far from favoring the breakup of the union, most Soviet citizens wanted to
preserve it. [1]
Myth #2. Russians hate
Stalin. In 2009,
Rossiya, a Russian TV channel, spent three months polling over 50 million
Russians to find out who, in their view, were the greatest Russians of all
time. Prince Alexander Nevsky, who successfully repelled an attempted Western
invasion of Russia in the 13th century, came first. Second place went to Pyotr
Stolypin, who served as prime minister to Tsar Nicholas II, and enacted
agrarian reforms. In third place, behind Stolypin by only 5,500 votes, was
Joseph Stalin, a man that Western opinion leaders routinely describe as a
ruthless dictator with the blood of tens of millions on his hands. [2] He may
be reviled in the West, not surprisingly, since he was never one after the
hearts of the corporate grandees who dominate the West’s ideological apparatus,
but, it seems, Russians have a different view—one that fails to comport with
the notion that Russians were victimized, rather than elevated, by Stalin’s
leadership.
In a May/June 2004
Foreign Affairs article, (Flight from Freedom: What Russians Think and Want),
anti-communist Harvard historian Richard Pipes cited a poll in which Russians
were asked to list the 10 greatest men and women of all time. The poll-takers
were looking for significant figures of any country, not just Russians. Stalin
came fourth, behind Peter the Great, Lenin, and Pushkin…much to Pipes’
irritation. [3]
Myth #3. Soviet
socialism didn’t work. If this is true, then capitalism, by any equal measure, is an
indisputable failure. From its inception in 1928, to the point at which it was
dismantled in 1989, Soviet socialism never once, except during the
extraordinary years of World War II, stumbled into recession, nor failed to
provide full employment. [4] What capitalist economy has ever grown
unremittingly, without recession, and providing jobs for all, over a 56 year
span (the period during which the Soviet economy was socialist and the country
was not at war, 1928-1941 and 1946-1989)? Moreover, the Soviet economy grew
faster than capitalist economies that were at an equal level of economic
development when Stalin launched the first five year plan in 1928—and faster
than the US economy through much of the socialist system’s existence. [5] To be
sure, the Soviet economy never caught up to or surpassed the advanced
industrial economies of the capitalist core, but it started the race further
back; was not aided, as Western countries were, by histories of slavery,
colonial plunder, and economic imperialism; and was unremittingly the object of
Western, and especially US, attempts to sabotage it. Particularly deleterious
to Soviet economic development was the necessity of diverting material and
human resources from the civilian to the military economy, to meet the
challenge of Western military pressure. The Cold War and arms race, which
entangled the Soviet Union in battles against a stronger foe, not state
ownership and planning, kept the socialist economy from overtaking the advanced
industrial economies of the capitalist West. [6] And yet, despite the West’s
unflagging efforts to cripple it, the Soviet socialist economy produced
positive growth in each and every non-war year of its existence, providing a materially
secure existence for all. Which capitalist economy can claim equal success?
Myth #4. Now that
they’ve experienced it, citizens of the former Soviet Union prefer capitalism. On the contrary,
they prefer the Soviet system’s state planning, that is, socialism. Asked in a
recent poll what socio-economic system they favor, Russians answered [7]:
• State planning and
distribution, 58%
• Private property and distribution, 28%
• Hard to say, 14%
• Total, 100%
• Private property and distribution, 28%
• Hard to say, 14%
• Total, 100%
Pipes cites a poll in
which 72 percent of Russians “said they wanted to restrict private economic
initiative.” [8]
Myth #5. Twenty-two
years later, citizens of the former Soviet Union see the USSR’s demise as more
beneficial than harmful. Wrong again. According to a just-released Gallup poll, for
every citizen of 11 former Soviet republics, including Russia, Ukraine and
Belarus, who thinks the breakup of the Soviet Union benefited their country,
two think it did harm. And the results are more strongly skewed toward the view
that the breakup was harmful among those aged 45 years and over, namely, the
people who knew the Soviet system best. [9]
According to another
poll cited by Pipes, three-quarters of Russians regret the Soviet Union’s
demise [10]—hardly what you would think of people who were reportedly delivered
from a supposedly repressive state and allegedly arthritic, ponderous economy.
Myth #6. Citizens of
the former Soviet Union are better off today. To be sure, some are. But are most?
Given that more prefer the former socialist system to the current capitalist
one, and think that the USSR’s breakup has done more harm than good, we might
infer that most aren’t better off—or at least, that they don’t see themselves
as such. This view is confirmed, at least as regards life expectancy. In a
paper in the prestigious British medical journal, The Lancet, sociologist David
Stuckler and medical researcher Martin McKee, show that the transition to
capitalism in the former USSR precipitated a sharp drop in life-expectancy, and
that “only a little over half of the ex-Communist countries have regained their
pre-transition life-expectancy levels.” Male life expectancy in Russia, for
example, was 67 years in 1985, under communism. In 2007, it was less than 60
years. Life expectancy plunged five years between 1991 and 1994. [11] The
transition to capitalism, then, produced countless pre-mature deaths—and
continues to produce a higher mortality rate than likely would have prevailed
under the (more humane) socialist system. (A 1986 study by Shirley Ciresto and
Howard Waitzkin, based on World Bank data, found that the socialist economies
of the Soviet bloc produced more favorable outcomes on measures of physical
quality of life, including life expectancy, infant mortality, and caloric
intake, than did capitalist economies at the same level of economic
development, and as good as capitalist economies at a higher level of
development. [12])
As regards the
transition from a one-party state to a multi-party democracy, Pipes points to a
poll that shows that Russians view democracy as a fraud. Over three-quarters
believe “democracy is a facade for a government controlled by rich and powerful
cliques.” [13] Who says Russians aren’t perspicacious?
Myth #7. If citizens
of the former Soviet Union really wanted a return to socialism, they would just
vote it in. If only it were so
simple. Capitalist systems are structured to deliver public policy that suits
capitalists, and not what’s popular, if what’s popular is against capitalist
interests. Obamacare aside, the United States doesn’t have full public health
insurance. Why not? According to the polls, most Americans want it. So, why
don’t they just vote it in? The answer, of course, is that there are powerful
capitalist interests, principally private insurance companies, that have used
their wealth and connections to block a public policy that would attenuate
their profits. What’s popular doesn’t always, or even often, prevail in societies
where those who own and control the economy can use their wealth and
connections to dominate the political system to win in contests that pit their
elite interests against mass interests. As Michael Parenti writes,
Capitalism is not just
an economic system, but an entire social order. Once it takes hold, it is not
voted out of existence by electing socialists or communists. They may occupy
office but the wealth of the nation, the basic property relations, organic law,
financial system, and debt structure, along with the national media, police
power, and state institutions have all been fundamentally restructured. [14]
A Russian return to
socialism is far more likely to come about the way it did the first time,
through revolution, not elections—and revolutions don’t happen simply because
people prefer a better system to the one they currently have. Revolutions
happen when life can no longer be lived in the old way—and Russians haven’t
reached the point where life as it’s lived today is no longer tolerable.
Interestingly, a 2003
poll asked Russians how they would react if the Communists seized power. Almost
one-quarter would support the new government, one in five would collaborate, 27
percent would accept it, 16 percent would emigrate, and only 10 percent would
actively resist it. In other words, for every Russian who would actively oppose
a Communist take-over, four would support it or collaborate with it, and three
would accept it [15]—not what you would expect if you think Russians are glad
to get out from underneath what we’re told was the burden of communist rule.
So, the Soviet Union’s
passing is regretted by the people who knew the USSR firsthand (but not by
Western journalists, politicians and historians who knew Soviet socialism only
through the prism of their capitalist ideology.) Now that they’ve had over two
decades of multi-party democracy, private enterprise and a market economy,
Russians don’t think these institutions are the wonders Western politicians and
mass media make them out to be. Most Russians would prefer a return to the
Soviet system of state planning, that is, to socialism.
Even so, these
realities are hidden behind a blizzard of propaganda, whose intensity peaks
each year on the anniversary of the USSR’s passing. We’re supposed to believe
that where it was tried, socialism was popularly disdained and failed to
deliver—though neither assertion is true.
Of course, that
anti-Soviet views have hegemonic status in the capitalist core is hardly
surprising. The Soviet Union is reviled by just about everyone in the West: by
the Trotskyists, because the USSR was built under Stalin’s (and not their
man’s) leadership; by social democrats, because the Soviets embraced revolution
and rejected capitalism; by the capitalists, for obvious reasons; and by the
mass media (which are owned by the capitalists) and the schools (whose
curricula, ideological orientation and political and economic research are
strongly influenced by them.)
So, on the anniversary
of the USSR’s demise we should not be surprised to discover that socialism’s
political enemies should present a view of the Soviet Union that is at odds
with what those on the ground really experienced, what a socialist economy
really accomplished, and what those deprived of it really want.
1.”Referendum on the
preservation of the USSR,” RIA Novosti, 2001,http://en.ria.ru/infographics/20110313/162959645.html
2. Guy Gavriel Kay, “The greatest Russians of all time?” The Globe and Mail (Toronto), January 10, 2009.
3. Richard Pipes, “Flight from Freedom: What Russians Think and Want,” Foreign Affairs, May/June 2004.
4. Robert C. Allen. Farm to Factory: A Reinterpretation of the Soviet Industrial Revolution, Princeton University Press, 2003. David Kotz and Fred Weir. Revolution From Above: The Demise of the Soviet System, Routledge, 1997.
5. Allen; Kotz and Weir.
6. Stephen Gowans, “Do Publicly Owned, Planned Economies Work?” what’s left, December 21, 2012.
7. “Russia Nw”, in The Washington Post, March 25, 2009.
8. Pipes.
9. Neli Espova and Julie Ray, “Former Soviet countries see more harm from breakup,” Gallup, December 19, 2013, http://www.gallup.com/poll/166538/former-soviet-countries-harm-breakup.aspx
10. Pipes.
11. Judy Dempsey, “Study looks at mortality in post-Soviet era,” The New York Times, January 16, 2009.
12. Shirley Ceresto and Howard Waitzkin, “Economic development, political-economic system, and the physical quality of life”, American Journal of Public Health, June 1986, Vol. 76, No. 6.
13. Pipes.
14. Michael Parenti, Blackshirts & Reds: Rational Fascism and the Overthrow of Communism, City Light Books, 1997, p. 119.
15. Pipes.
2. Guy Gavriel Kay, “The greatest Russians of all time?” The Globe and Mail (Toronto), January 10, 2009.
3. Richard Pipes, “Flight from Freedom: What Russians Think and Want,” Foreign Affairs, May/June 2004.
4. Robert C. Allen. Farm to Factory: A Reinterpretation of the Soviet Industrial Revolution, Princeton University Press, 2003. David Kotz and Fred Weir. Revolution From Above: The Demise of the Soviet System, Routledge, 1997.
5. Allen; Kotz and Weir.
6. Stephen Gowans, “Do Publicly Owned, Planned Economies Work?” what’s left, December 21, 2012.
7. “Russia Nw”, in The Washington Post, March 25, 2009.
8. Pipes.
9. Neli Espova and Julie Ray, “Former Soviet countries see more harm from breakup,” Gallup, December 19, 2013, http://www.gallup.com/poll/166538/former-soviet-countries-harm-breakup.aspx
10. Pipes.
11. Judy Dempsey, “Study looks at mortality in post-Soviet era,” The New York Times, January 16, 2009.
12. Shirley Ceresto and Howard Waitzkin, “Economic development, political-economic system, and the physical quality of life”, American Journal of Public Health, June 1986, Vol. 76, No. 6.
13. Pipes.
14. Michael Parenti, Blackshirts & Reds: Rational Fascism and the Overthrow of Communism, City Light Books, 1997, p. 119.
15. Pipes.
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