By Juan Cole
Informed Comment
Russia is so far winning big in Syria, and making Moscow’s projection of force in the Middle East a reality that the other great powers have to recognize. As Russia has emerged as a major combatant against Syrian al-Qaeda and against Daesh (ISIS, ISIL), it is being accepted back into a Europe traumatized by two major attacks on Paris. France is signalling that it hopes to end sanctions on Russia over Ukraine by this summer. While the Minsk peace process is going all right, the motivation here is to ally more closely with Moscow against Muslim radicals in the wake of Russia’s successes against them in Syria.
Russia’s
intervention in Syria last October was in many ways a desperate measure and a gamble. It is
said that in mid-summer of 2015, Iranian special forces commander Qasem
Soleimani flew to Moscow with a blunt message. The Syrian regime was going to
fall if things went on the way they were going and Iran did not have the
resources to stop it.
Vladimir Putin, still
smarting from having lost Libya as a sphere of influence, was determined to
stop the fall of Syria.
The
regime of Bashar al-Assad has to to control a y-shaped area and set of
transportation routes if it is to survive. The ‘Y’ is anchored at the bottom by
Damascus, the capital. In its metropolitan area, given shifting population,
live around 5 million Syrians who are afraid of the two major forces battling
the regime, al-Qaeda (the Nusra Front) and Daesh (ISIS, ISIL).
The
trunk of the ‘Y’ stretches up to Homs and then veers off to the left, to the
key port city of Latakia. The right branch of the ‘Y’ goes up through Hama to
Aleppo, a city of 4 million before the war, which is divided in half, with the west
in the hands of the regime.
Controlling
this huge ‘Y’ where 70% of Syrians live is a tall order. It is vulnerable at
several key points, of which the rebels have attempted to take advantage.
1.
Deraa province to the south of Damascus is largely Sunni and rural and its
clans could sweep up and take the capital, with Jordanian, US and Saudi
support. If that happened, game over.
2. The
Army of Islam, backed by Saudi Arabia, has strong positions besieging the
capital just to its north. If it could come down into Damascus, game over.
3. If
the rebels could take and hold Homs and Qusayr in the middle of the ‘Y’, they
could cut Damascus off from resupply by truck from the port of Latakia.
4. If
the rebels, who took all of Idlib Province in the northwest last April, could
move west from Idlib and take Latakia, they could cut Damascus off from its
major port and deny it ammunition, arms, even some foodstuffs.
5. If
the rebels can move from south of Aleppo to cut off the road from Hama and
strangle West Aleppo, they could take all of the country’s largest city, making
it difficult for the regime to survive.
So when
Soleimani when to Moscow, it seemed that the road from Hama to West Aleppo had
been lost and Aleppo would fall. Al-Qaeda had also made advances in the south,
taking al-Sheikh Miskin just south of Damascus, and preparing for a push on the
capital. Idlib had fallen and Latakia might well have been next.
So when
Putin sent in his air force, it concentrated on protecting the red ‘Y’ in the
map above. It mainly hit al-Qaeda, the primary threat to regime control of the
Y, but also struck at Free Syrian Army groups backed by the US, Turkey and
Saudi Arabia, which were tactically allied with al-Qaeda. This move was
necessary to defend the ‘Y’. It drew howls of protest from Washington, Ankara
and Riyadh demanding to know why Russia wasn’t instead targeting Daesh/ ISIL.
The
answer was simple. Except at Aleppo and at a point below Hama, Daesh for the
most part posed little threat to the ‘Y’. Al-Qaeda and its allies were the big
menace, so Putin concentrated on them.
Air
support to a determined local ground force can be an effective strategy. It
worked for Bill Clinton in Kosovo. It worked for George W. Bush in Afghanistan
in 2001, when the US-backed Northern Alliance handily defeated the Taliban. It
worked again in March-April 2003, when US air support to the Kurdish Peshmerga
guerrillas, allowed them to defeat the Iraqi Baath army in Kirkuk, Mosul and
elsewhere in the north.
And so
this strategy has been working for Putin. He appears to have rearmed and
retrained the Syrian Arab Army, which has new esprit de corps and is making
significant headway for the first time in years. It is of course aided by
Hizbullah, over from Lebanon, and by a small contingent of some 2000 Iranian
spec ops forces (many of them actually Afghan).
So what
has the Russian air force accomplished?
1. It
allowed the reopening of the road from Hama to West Aleppo, ending the siege of
that regime-held part of the city and pushing back the rebels from it.
2. It retook most of Latakia Province, safeguarding the port.
Yesterday came the news that the major northern al-Qaeda-held town of Rabia had
fallen to the government forces, meaning that Latakia is nearly 100% in
government control. These advances into northern Latakia involved hitting
Turkmen proxies of Turkey, which is why Turkey shot down a Russian plane last fall. Likely
the next step will be to take back cities in Idlib like Jisr al-Shughour, which
fell last spring to an al-Qaeda-led coalition, and which could be used as a
launching pad for the taking of Latakia port.
3. It
strengthened regime control of Hama and Homs, ensuring the supply routes south
to Damascus.
4. It
hit the Army of Islam as well as al-Qaeda and Daesh around Damascus, forcing
the latter two to withdraw from part of the capital and killing Zahran Alloush,
leader of the Army of Islam.
5. It
hit al-Qaeda and FSA forces in Deraa Province and yesterday the key town of
al-Sheikh Miskin fell to the Syrian Arab Army. This is a Deraa crossroads and
its loss affects the rebels ability to maneuver in this province.
The
Russian air force, in conjunction with Syrian troops and Hizbullah and a few
Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps fighters has therefore profoundly braced
regime control of the ‘Y’ where most Syrians live and along which the capital’s
supplies flow. If in July through September it appeared that the regime could
well fall, and quickly, now al-Assad’s minions are on the march, pushing back
their opponents.
It
shouldn’t need to be said, but I want to underline that the above is analysis,
not advocacy. Be that as it may, in the past 4 months, Putin has begun winning
in Syria, which means so has al-Assad. And the spillover effects on Russian
diplomacy are huge.
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