Posted on February 17, 2016
by Yves Smith
source: http://www.nakedcapitalism.com/
A Guns + Butter interview with Michael Hudson, a research professor of Economics at University of Missouri, Kansas City, and a research associate at the Levy Economics Institute of Bard College. His latest book is KILLING THE HOST: How Financial Parasites and Debt Bondage Destroy the Global Economy. You can listen to it here.
This is Guns and Butter.
Suppose a country owes money to another nation’s government or
official agency. How can creditors collect, unless there’s an international
court and an enforcement system? The IMF and the World Bank were part of that
enforcement system and now they’re saying: ‘We’re not going to be part of that
anymore. We’re only working for the U.S. State Department and Pentagon. If the
Pentagon tells the IMF it’s okay that a country doesn’t have to pay Russia or
China, then now they don’t have to pay, as far as the IMF is concerned.’ That
breaks up the global order that was created after World War II. The world is
being split into two halves: the U.S. dollar orbit, and countries that the U.S.
cannot control and whose officials are not on the U.S. payroll, so to speak.
I’m Bonnie Faulkner. Today on Guns and Butter, Dr. Michael
Hudson. Today’s show: The New Global Financial Cold War. Dr. Hudson is a
financial economist and historian. He is President of the Institute for the
Study of Long-Term Economic Trends, a Wall Street financial analyst and
Distinguished Research Professor of Economics at the University of Missouri,
Kansas City. His 1972 book, Super-Imperialism: The Economic Strategy of
American Empire is a critique of how the United States exploited foreign
economies through the IMF and World Bank. His latest book is Killing the Host:
How Financial Parasites and Debt Destroy the Global Economy. Today we discuss
his article, “The IMF Changes Its Rules to Isolate China and Russia.”
Bonnie Faulkner:
Michael Hudson, welcome. It’s been far too long since we’ve last spoken.
Michael Hudson:
Well, it’s good to be back. Last time we were together was in Italy.
Bonnie Faulkner:
That’s right, Rimini, Italy. What year was that?
Michael Hudson: It
must have been four years ago because we were there with Stephanie Kelton from
UMKC, whom Bernie Sanders has appointed chief economist for the Democrats on
the Senate Budget Committee. Bill Black of UMKC was also there. I used some of
my lectures there in my book Finance Capitalism and Its Discontents, published
in 2012.
Bonnie Faulkner:
Michael, I produced actually seven shows from the presentations in Rimini on
Modern Money Theory with you, with Marshall Auerback, William K. Black,
Stephanie Kelton, and they were blockbuster shows, I must say.
Michael Hudson:
That’s great. That was a wonderful presentation. When we walked in, it was in
this big soccer stadium and we felt like we were the Beatles, walking down the
middle aisle. People were cheering us and calling out our names and it was as
if we were pop heroes.
Bonnie Faulkner: The
Italians turned out to be so warm and so enthusiastic for an alternative
economic theory. I was amazed, too.
Michael Hudson: Yep.
And people came there from Spain and from all over. That was one of the best
presentations any of us had ever been at.
Bonnie Faulkner: I’m
so happy I was able to be there. That is a conference to remember, for sure.
Well, I’ve been reading your article, “The IMF Changes Its Rules to Isolate
China and Russia.” It rings an alarming bell about the implications of rule
changes at the International Monetary Fund, the IMF, which makes loans to
governments. Before we discuss these IMF rule changes specifically, what
precipitated these drastic policy shifts at the IMF?
Michael Hudson:
There are a number of policy shifts. The first shift was that – In the past the
IMF has not made loans to countries that are in default to governments. That’s
because in the past, the government in question was the U.S. Government. Since
World War II almost all international financial bailout or stabilization loans
by the IMF and World Bank have involved the U.S. Government, in conjunction
with consortia of U.S. banks.
For the first time, now that China and the BRICs are growing,
countries are borrowing not only from the United States subject to U.S.
lobbying forces, but can now borrow from China and other countries as well.
The United States has responded by changing the IMF rules. It
said, ‘Wait a minute. It’s okay for the IMF to make loans to countries that
don’t pay China and Russia or the BRICs, because we’re in a new Cold War. The
IMF really is working for us.’ As long as the U.S. has veto power in the IMF,
its delegate can veto any loan to a country that owes money to the United
States that the United States doesn’t wish to support. But it has no objection
for the IMF making loans to U.S. satellites such as Ukraine, that official debts
to Russia.
Ukraine last December owed $3 billion to Russia on a loan that
is coming due from the Russian state investment fund. The United States is
doing everything it can to hurt Russia economically, thinking that if it hurts
it enough, Russia will capitulate to the U.S. strategy. The New Cold War
strategy is basically an attempt to force other countries to privatize their
economies to follow neoliberal policy. The aim is to open their economies to
U.S. corporations and U.S. banks.
The IMF rules change was to mobilize the IMF basically as an
agent of the U.S. Defense Department, with a side office on Wall Street. All of
a sudden it’s become clear that the IMF is not an international institution for
global economic performance. It’s an arm of U.S. Cold War diplomacy, one that’s
moving far to the right very quickly under the Obama Administration.
Bonnie Faulkner: We
now have the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the SCO as an alternative
military alliance to NATO and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the
AIIB, which threatens to replace the IMF and World Bank. How successful do you
think these new alternatives to the Western banking system will be?
Michael Hudson: The
big point is that the Western banking system, the World Bank and the IMF are
unsuccessful. The IMF follows a junk economics that says if you owe money to
foreign bondholders or banks, you have to impose austerity on the country to
pay whatever is owed. The junk economics at work claims that austerity will
enable debtors to squeeze enough tax money out of their economy to pay foreign
bankers and bondholders. This is the same disastrous theory that the British
and the Americans and the French used in the 1920s to insist that Germany could
pay any amount of reparations if it only would tax the economy enough.
This theory was shown to be false by John Maynard Keynes and
also by the American, Harold Moulton, at the Brookings Institution. But the
lessons of the 1920s were rejected by the IMF, because they know very well –
and the staff has made it very clear – that austerity doesn’t enable a country
to pay its foreign debts. Austerity makes countries less able to pay. That
means they will need to borrow even more.
Then the IMF comes in with its number-two punch: The number one
punch is austerity. The number two punch is to say: ‘Well, I guess our program
didn’t work. What a disappointment. [But it shouldn’t really be a surprise,
happening again and again.] You now have to begin privatizing your industry and
natural resources. Sell off your land.’ They tell other debtor countries
essentially what they told Greece over the last year.
When the austerity plan demanded by the IMF since 2010 didn’t
help Greece, they joined with the rest of the Troika (the European Central Bank
and European Union) in 2015 to demand that Greece agree to sell off its
islands, sell off its ports, sell its water systems, sell everything in the
public domain. After that demand had been made on Greece in the summer of 2015,
it was Ukraine’s turn.
The number one punch against the Ukraine by the IMF was to
impose austerity on the pretense (its junk economics) that Ukraine could pay
its foreign bondholders with income taxed out of its domestic economy. When
this made things worse, the World Bank and USAID came in. The U.S.-appointed
finance minister fingered the agricultural land, gas rights and other natural
resources that Ukraine could sell off to American and European investors – but
not to Russians.
The idea is that if American investors can buy the key
infrastructure and commanding heights of the Ukrainian economy, it can pry
Ukraine apart from Russia. Ukraine played a key role in the Russian economy.
Much Russian military and space industrial output was produced in the Donbas
region in eastern Ukraine.
So the idea was that separating Ukraine from Russia is the first
step in trying to carve up Russia, and then to carve up China, breaking them
into little pieces. The aim is to treat China and Russia like the Mideast, like
Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan and Syria – as smash-and-grab exercises to take their
natural resources and enterprises.
Bonnie Faulkner: What is the aim of the Trans-Pacific
Partnership Treaty and how is it at odds with the Asian Infrastructure Bank,
the AIIB?
Michael Hudson: I could give a glib answer and say the aim is to
reduce the population by 50%, to starve people, abolish pensions and spread
poverty. That actually is the effect.
The cover story pretends to be about trade, but the real agenda
is to force privatization and disable government regulation. This reverses what
was central to the whole Progressive Era. For the last 300 years, the
assumption of Europe and North America was that you were going to have a mixed
economy, with governments investing in infrastructure, roads and other transportation,
communications, water and sewer systems, gas and electricity. The role of
government infrastructure was to provide these basic needs at minimum cost in
order to promote a low-cost, competitive economy. That’s how America got rich.
That’s how Germany industrialized and how the rest of Europe did. Bit the aim
of the Trans-Pacific Partnership is to reverse and privatize public investment.
Its ideology is that the economy should be owned and operated by private
owners, private enterprise, whose aim is short-term profit.
There are a number of related aims: to nullify environmental
protection regulations that cost money, to nullify protection of labor, and to
nullify attempts to tax natural resources or economic rent. The idea is to turn
roads and the transport system into toll roads, which will be owned by
foreigners and run at a high charge. The Internet and the water system will be
sold off and made into toll systems, to charge for their services and for other
basic needs. This will impose a neo-feudal rentier economy throughout the world
as the finance, industrial and real estate (FIRE) sector takes over the
government sector.
I think you could say that at the broadest level, the idea is to
roll back the Enlightenment and restore feudalism. That may sound like an
extreme statement, but people don’t realize how radical the TPP’s investment
agreements are. For instance, when Australia raised the charges on cigarettes
and included health warnings on the packs, Philip Morris sued, insisting that
Australia pay it what Philip Morris would have made if people would have
continued to smoke and get cancer at the existing rate.
When Ecuador tried to sue oil companies for pollution, the oil
companies sued, and now the country has to pay the oil company the amount of
profit it would make if it continued to produce oil by polluting the land – to
an infinite degree. No government anywhere in the world that signs this will be
free to regulate the environment or even to enact new taxes on rent-seeking or
other private enterprise.
Essentially, the new buyers of the roads the water systems, the
sewer systems, can use these as rent extraction opportunities without
anti-monopoly regulations. That means they can charge whatever the market will
bear, and treat foreign countries sort of like New York City cable customers
are treated. I live in Forest Hills in Queens. We have one supplier, Time
Warner. If I want cable, I have to pay what they charge, and it has nothing to
do at all with their cost of production. I have to rent their cable box, not
buy one of my own.
That’s what economic rent is. It’s a revenue above the cost of
production. For hundreds of years the economics of Adam Smith, David Ricardo,
John Stuart Mill and Thorstein Veblen wrote about how to create an economy that
would produce everything at its actual, technologically and socially necessary
cost, without any free lunch, that is, without any kind of unearned income
(“economic rent”).
The aim of the Trans-Pacific Partnership and its European
version is to promote unearned rent extraction. Rentier interests have backed a
body the kind of junk economics to replace classical economics, against the
Progressive Era and social democracy, to create a right-wing ideology that they
call free trade. The term is Orwellian doublethink.
Bonnie Faulkner: Have
these rulings by the World Trade Organization been enforced against these
countries you mentioned, such as Australia?
Michael Hudson: I
think Philip Morris failed, but it forced the government to spend tens of
millions of dollars in legal fees. It’s almost impossible for a poor government
like Ecuador or even Australia, to spend the legal fees that it costs to defend
themselves against a battery of corporate lawyers. Under the TPP, the referees
would be drawn from the corporate sector and its law firms.
The judgments and rules are made outside of government and
outside of laws that voters enact. So corporate oligarchy replaces democracy.
Decisions as to how much governments will have to pay corporations in
compensatory damages are made by a small group of referees in a revolving door
with the corporate sector. In effect, they will work as lobbyists for these
corporations.
Bonnie Faulkner:
China accelerated its creation of the alternative China International Payments
System, CIPS, and its own credit card system. What is the SWIFT Interbank
Clearing System, and is the new Chinese payment system a threat to it?
Michael Hudson: All
banks have a clearing system when you write checks on a bank account. The SWIFT
system is a huge computer software program that enables people to write checks
to send money to others who use other banks.
About a year ago U.S. strategists thought about going to a new
Cold War with Russia. It might quickly become military. But the U.S. saw that
it could hurt the Russian economy without having to send troops in. We don’t
have to invade. That’s old-style warfare. No country can invade another with
troops these days. But the U.S. can hold Russia or any other economy hostage by
suddenly excluding it from the SWIFT payments clearing system. Their banks,
individuals and corporations can’t clear any money. So they’re paralyzed. The
U.S. will have smashed their economic linkages and communications.
As soon as the Americans talked about this, China and Russia
responded. They naturally don’t want a nation that says it may want to go to
war with them to have such disruptive power. Obama and Hillary Clinton have
already made such threats. So Russian leaders have said that they would like to
be part of a global unit, but as long as the United States is running SWIFT for
its own interests and is acting in a hostile way, they need to protect their
own bank clearing systems.
So China took the lead in creating its own bank clearing system.
People and companies and government organizations in China and the other BRICS
countries won’t have to be hostage to the United States doing with a computer
malware program what it did to Iranian centrifuges. Just like we blew up the
Iranian centrifuges by installing a virus to speed them up. It could do that
with SWIFT. Now, China and the BRICs are moving to defend themselves against
this prospect.
Bonnie Faulkner:
Well, now, has China’s international Payment System been implemented yet or is
it still being planned?
Michael Hudson: I
think they’re still in the process of developing it, because it’s hard to
develop a system as complex as this. There’s an inertia for these things,
making it easier to build on the existing clearing systems. It takes a lot of
time to develop a replacement. The situation is like Microsoft’s Office
program. That’s why Mac computers use Word and Excel. It takes billions of
dollars to write a program that doesn’t have glitches in it. I think the
Chinese are still trying to work out the glitches because they don’t expect
overt warfare quite yet.
Bonnie Faulkner:
Russian Prime Minister Putin proposed a partnership, or at least cooperation,
between the West and the emerging military and economic partnerships in the
East. Putin’s overture to the West seems to have fallen on deaf ears. Why do
you think?
Michael Hudson: This
is the same hope that has existed since the 1990s, even before Putin came into
power. The idea was that Russia is willing to join NATO, seeing that atomic war
between the industrial nations of the world is now out of the question.
They do face a common threat from Wahhabi Islam, funded by Saudi
Arabia – Wahhabi Sharia Law terrorism. Russia is concerned about Saudi-backed
terrorists on its southern front, from Georgia, Azerbaijan, all the way through
central Asia. The Chinese also are concerned about Wahhabi terrorism through
the Uyghurs. ISIS and Al Nusra are acting as America’s Foreign Legion. When
Hillary Clinton overthrew the Libyan government, the arms and military
stockpiles were turned over to ISIS. Libya’s central bank resources were robbed
and also turned over to ISIS. When America marched into Iraq, it turned the
Sunni army and all those billions of dollars of shrink-wrapped hundred-dollar
bills over ultimately to ISIS. So although America opposes ISIS when they kill
Americans, ISIS is basically America’s way of breaking up countries that may
threaten not to be part of the global dollar standard.
Russia hoped that the United States would see that this is a
crazy system. America, Russia and Europe can get rich in mutual trade. If
Europe pursues its economic interests, it would see itself as a natural trading
partner of Russia. Europeans and probably Americans could go to Russia and try
to build up the economy, because it needs entrepreneurs.
But instead of pursuing a mutual prosperity sphere between
Europe, Russia and the United States, the United States has pressed Europe into
a dead zone of neoliberal austerity. That is shrinking Europe’s economy and
carving it off from Russia. This prevents prosperity for Europe, on the ground
that it would also benefit Russia or China.
The idea from the Americans’ side is to treat Russia like it
treated Cuba, Iran and Libya – to isolate it, expecting Russia to knuckle
under. But instead, Russia’s much bigger than Cuba or North Korea, and China is
even bigger. So instead of just surrendering to the American neoliberal
economic plan, they’ve decided that America has driven them together in a
mutually defensive alignment. U.S. diplomacy has brought about precisely the Eurasian
unity that it set out to try to prevent.
Bonnie Faulkner: Yes.
I believe in your paper at one point you described some of the IMF members as
wearing suicide vests to blow up that institution. I thought that was a pretty
good description.
Michael Hudson: It’s
indeed as if the United States walked into the IMF meeting with a suicide vest
and said, ‘We want the IMF to only serve U.S. interests, not international
interests.’ So that’s broken the illusion that the IMF as an honest broker to
help countries stabilize.
U.S. pressure has radically changed a series of rules. One rule
I mentioned above is not to lend to a country that refuses to pay another
government. That wasn’t formally in the IMF Articles of Agreement. But what is
in the IMF articles is that you’re not supposed to lend to a country that has
no visible means of paying back the loan. That is called the “No More
Argentinas” rule, passed after the IMF lent Argentina money in 2001 to pay its
bondholders. Argentina had no prospect of repaying these bad loans.
The IMF broke this rule when it lent to Greece after 2010. Some
of the staff left the IMF, seeing their analysis ignored. The IMF’s Board asked
how it could lend this money to Greece to pay German, French and English banks
and bail out bondholders without seeing how Greece could pay.
The IMF leader, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, overruled the staff and
these Board members by creating a new “systemic risk” rule. This rule allowed
the IMF to violate its Articles of Agreement and lend to any country if failure
to repay a loan would threaten to pose a systemic risk to many countries. In
practice, the IMF defined systemic risk simply to be the thought that a
bondholder might lose more than $1. That might crash “confidence. So in order
to save bondholders and banks from losing, the economy would be wrecked by debt
deflation. By the way, just a few days ago, on January 29th the IMF reversed
that rule, saying that it’s not going to use that excuse any more.
Another element of the IMF Articles of Agreement stipulates that
it is not supposed to lend to a borrower at war. One obvious reason is that if
a country is at war, especially a civil war that’s bombing its export sector as
Ukraine is doing, how can it obtain the foreign exchange to pay its foreign
debt? Most Ukrainian exports were to Russia. The attack on Donbas and Eastern
Ukraine has destroyed this export industry.
The United States strong-armed the IMF to make the loan to
Ukraine. Its managing director Christine Lagarde said that she hoped Ukraine
wouldn’t spend the money on war. But one and a half-billion dollars were given
to the kleptocrat bankers Kolomoiski, who immediately moved it offshore but
used his domestic money to finance an anti-Donbas army. The very next day,
President Poroshenko said that now Ukraine could afford to wage more war.
The fourth IMF rule that is broken is that it isn’t supposed to
lend to a country that has little likelihood of carrying out an austerity
program. This is called a conditionality. It involves over-riding democratic
opposition. Ukraine is cutting back pensions and imposing austerity, so there’s
little chance of the country surviving as a democracy. The United States
basically has come in and acknowledged that it’s dropping the pretense of
backing democracies. In the 1960 and ‘70s it backed dictatorships in Latin
America, including the overthrow of Allende in Chile. And now the IMF will lend
to countries at war, even when they cannot pay, as long as they do what U.S.
strategists want. But it won’t get loans to pay Russian banks or BRICs banks.
Bonnie Faulkner: Now,
Michael, you’ve already begun to answer this question but maybe we can get a
little clarification on it. Russia’s National Wealth Fund made a loan to the
Ukraine. You’ve brought this up. This Russian loan was protected by IMF lending
practice, and the bonds were registered under London’s creditor oriented rules
and courts. Describe how IMF and World Bank rules protected the original
structure of post-World War II sovereign lending practice.
Michael Hudson: The
IMF said it would not make a loan to a country that owed money or was in
default of a loan to any government that did not negotiate in good faith to pay
foreign governments. Ukraine owed $3 billion to Russia’s Sovereign Wealth Fund
– obviously a government organization. The Russian loan was made on
concessionary terms, but it also had protections. Because it was a Sovereign
Wealth Fund, it protected itself by registering the loan in England. There’s
been a debate in Russia over whether Ukraine can avoid repaying Russia.
Last year the U.S. Treasury had a long discussion with bank
lawyers about how Ukraine might default and still be able to qualify for loans
from the IMF. Well, we’ve seen the answer. The IMF rules were changed.
Remember, the European Union and international banks usually will not join in a
loan consortium to a country if the IMF doesn’t also join. The debtor country
must be in good standing with the IMF.
But now, instead of protecting the system of loans among
governments, the IMF will only protect loans to governments in the U.S. orbit,
not to governments that the United States doesn’t like. In practice, that means
anybody that doesn’t follow neoliberal policies.
Basically the United States sought to remove Russia’s legal
ability to collect the $3 billion Ukraine owed. There was a discussion about
whether Ukraine could call it an odious debt, because anything owed to Russia
is deemed odious since Obama called Putin a kleptocrat and corrupt. For 50
years America has been lending to blatantly corrupt dictators in Latin America,
Africa and Asia, but not them corrupt, from Pinochet down through Tony Blair.
The U.S. is smashing up the framework of international law.
Ukraine knows that it will lose any legal attempt to avoid
paying Russia in the British courts where the bonds are registered. That court
is very creditor oriented. But at least Ukraine can tie up its ultimate
settlement.
Ukraine and its U.S. backers may think that with oil now below
$30 a barrel and Russia needing money, maybe they can starve Russia into
submitting to the U.S. dictates. This is crazy, because Russia obviously is not
going to surrender. A few days ago Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov announced
that Russia is rethinking its relationship with the West. It’s obvious the United
States opposes economic linkages between Germany, other European countries and
Russia. So Russia is rethinking its relationship with Europe. If Europe acts
like it wants to be the 51st state of America instead of pushing its own
economic interests, the Russians will turn eastward toward China and toward the
BRICs. Too bad! It could have been a nice mutual prosperity relationship.
Bonnie Faulkner:
You’ve titled your article “The IMF Changes Its Rules to Isolate China and
Russia,” because that’s what they’re doing. The purpose behind these rule
changes is to isolate China and Russia. Now, China and Russia were cooperating
with the IMF and the World Bank, weren’t they?
Michael Hudson: Yes
they were. The main objective of U.S. strategy from the beginning was China.
For three years the United States has been discussing openly how to isolate
China. It doesn’t want to see a potentially independent great power. It’s okay
if Chinese labor works at low wages to supply Wal-Mart with low-priced exports,
but not for China to be an independent powerhouse.
China has given American investors and importers enough of a
common interest to lobby to prevent the U.S. Government from intensifying its
Cold War against China. But Russia doesn’t have that much leverage offering the
West ways to get rich, especially since they threw Khodakovsky in jail after he
tried to sell Yukos’s oil to Exxon. That would have essentially taken control
of Russian oil out of the national patrimony, and probably left it with little
sales and export revenue after Exxon’s accountants had done the usual creative
tax strategies using flags of convenience and offshore banking centers to leave
no reported taxable earnings.
China wants to make its currency part of the global currency
basket of the IMF. It wants to establish the yuan on the same status as the
dollar so that it can avoid having to rely on American banks for its export
trade, and especially for its domestic credit creation. It wants to avoid what
U.S. neoliberals did to Russia in 1992 and 1993. They convinced Russia that its
central bank needed to hold U.S. dollars as backing for its domestic ruble
currency. Since Russia didn’t have many U.S. dollars, the result was a drastic
deflation (“shock therapy” with no therapy), which ended up de-industrializing
Russia.
There was no need for Russia to borrow in a foreign currency to
meet domestic expenses for its own labor and industry. The ruble was turned
into a satellite currency of the dollar, and left to crash in 1997 as capital
flight to sterling and dollars amounted to about $25 billion each year.
That is what China wants to avoid. They want to be free of
reliance on the dollar, except for what they need to import from the United
States or to defend the currency against raids. George Soros said that he
expects the yuan to go down. That’s a sign to currency raiders to try to
profiteer by driving the Chinese currency down. The Chinese are trying to free
themselves from interconnections to the dollar orbit, except to get dollars
that they need to import things from the United States – which I guess are not
much, except for movies.
Bonnie Faulkner: You
mentioned four of its own rules that the IMF broke in making loans to Ukraine.
I’m wondering if you wouldn’t mind just very briefly stating what these four broken
rules are, so that people can get their heads around why this is such a
sea-change.
Michael Hudson: One
rule is not to lend to a country that has no visible means of paying back the
loan. That’s the “No More Argentinas” rule. It already was broken with the
Greek loan, with Strauss-Kahn introduced the “systemic risk” loophole to
protect banks.
The second rule is not to lend to a country that repudiates its
debt to official creditors, meaning a country won’t pay what it owes to another
government. That rule made the IMF an enforcer for the creditor cartel. But it
is now only an enforcer on behalf of U.S.-favored creditors.
The third rule is not to lend to a country at war. Ukraine’s at
war, in a civil war with the East. But Donbas is backed by Russia, so that’s OK
now.
The fourth rule is not to lend to a country that is not going to
impose the IMF austerity conditionalities, which make countries so poor that
they end up bankrupt and have to sell off their natural resources and other
assets. Ukraine’s post-coup government hardly can follow IMF conditionalities
without being voted out of office, but in the meantime they can sell land and
gas rights to Soros and Monsanto, so that’s OK.
These four rules are now broken. Ukraine has not yet begun to
sell off its natural resources, and there’s some argument going on because the
kleptocrats want to hold onto them and make the same deal that their Russian
counterparts made in the early ‘90s: They’ll sell maybe 25% of their monopoly
to U.S. buyers, list their companies on the U.S. or British stock exchanges,
let buyers bid up prices, and then sell their 75% and take payment in London,
New York or wherever. The important thing is that they will take the sales
proceeds out of Ukraine, leaving the country with no money in the bank, while
owing an enormous amount every year to transmit profits on agricultural land
and economic rents extracted from the roads, gas and other infrastructure being
sold off.
Bonnie Faulkner: You
say that at issue between the East and West is a philosophy of development. How
does development differ in the two systems?
Michael Hudson: The
neoliberal American philosophy of development is an Orwellian term for the
absence of development. It reverses development. The neoliberal plan is to
create a post-industrial society. By “post-industrial” I mean a neo-rentier
economy returning to feudalism. Instead of governments taking the lead and
providing basic services at a low price to become a competitive economy,
neoliberalized governments sell roads and energy, electricity, water and sewers
to buyers that are going to charge whatever the market will bear. This is going
to impoverish the country. It’s the opposite of what development economics
taught through most of the 20th century.
Bonnie Faulkner: What
kind of scenario have U.S. State department and Treasury officials been
discussing for more than a year as a way to oppose Chinese and Russian
infrastructure loans to other countries? I think you started to talk a bit
about this already.
Michael Hudson: The
United States did not join the AIIB, and it tried to discourage other countries
from joining. There was a lot of hand wringing when England joined the AIIB and
other countries tried to do it. The United States essentially is trying to
create an iron curtain separating the BRICS from the U.S. dollar orbit. It’s a
financial curtain – not an iron curtain, but an electronic one.
Bonnie Faulkner: Did
you write in your article that the IMF would go ahead and loan to countries,
and tell them that they wouldn’t have to repay their loans to China or Russia
but could still borrow from the IMF?
Michael Hudson: The
IMF didn’t come right out and tell countries that they don’t have to repay. The
problem is, there has to be an international court. There has to be an enforcement
vehicle. For instance, you have a lot of the vulture funds claiming that
Argentina owes them money on its bonds, but so far they haven’t been able to
collect. They were able to get Ghana to grab one of the Argentine training
boats, but because it was government property the country was directed to
release it.
Suppose a country owes money to another nation’s government or
official agency. How can creditors collect, unless there’s an international
court and an enforcement system? The IMF and the World Bank were part of that
enforcement system and now they’re saying: ‘We’re not going to be part of that
anymore. We’re only working for the U.S. State Department and Pentagon. If the
Pentagon tells the IMF it’s okay that a country doesn’t have to pay Russia or
China, then now they don’t have to pay, as far as the IMF is concerned.’
That breaks up the global order that was created after World War
II. The world is being split into two halves: the U.S. dollar orbit, and
countries that the U.S. cannot control and whose officials are not on the U.S.
payroll, so to speak.
Bonnie Faulkner: You
describe this as a “tectonic, geopolitical shift that will be fought with all
the power of an American Century inquisition.” What do you mean by inquisition?
Michael Hudson:
Dirty tricks. President Obama has said that we’re not going to invade another
country, because no country’s really able to mobilize enough troops without
creating a domestic economic and political crisis. His alternative is targeted
assassination. That’s what the United States has long done, in Chile under
Nixon/Kissinger and Guatemala and Nicaragua under Reagan.
Or most simply, you bribe other governments to get them to
promote people in foreign countries who work for the United States. You want to
make sure, in England, for instance, that someone like Tony Blair becomes prime
minister, who will do whatever he’s told by the U.S. You want to make sure that
if a country tries to be independent, like Chile did, you come in and kill the
president. If you have countries that want land reform, you start Operation
Condor and kill 10,000 professors, land reformers and union leaders.
Essentially, it’s a terrorist policy.
Finally, you use ISIS and al-Nusra as an American Foreign Legion
and send them into whatever country you want to smash and grab.
Bonnie Faulkner: You write: “We have America Pentagon capitalism
with financial bubbles deteriorating into a polarized rentier economy and a
resurgence of old-fashioned imperialism. If and when a break comes, it will not
be marginal, but a seismic geopolitical shift.” What are your thoughts on the
coming breakup of the post-World War II dollarized global financial system?
What will it look like?
Michael Hudson: Other countries will try to get rich in the same
way that the United States tried to get rich: by promoting prosperity, a
domestic market, by subsidizing research and development just like the United
States has subsidized high technology. And, they will try to prevent rent
seeking – to prevent special privileges, whether they’re patent privileges or
ownership of cable TV systems. The aim is to prevent super-profits or economic
rent – unearned income.
You want people to be able to earn in a way that reflects their
actual contribution to production, and you want to uplift the status of labor.
You want to educate your labor force, to make it a modern technological labor
force.
All this takes government subsidy, and hence a mixed economy of
public and private sectors in which governments pay for most of the
infrastructure costs in order to help the private sector compete better.
So other countries may do what the United States did since its
Civil War. They will be protectionist, they will try to upgrade the quality of
their labor, and also will upgrade the quality of their agriculture. They will
promote high-technology industry, public health care and basic needs at a low
public expense. This would achieve what social democracy set out to achieve a
century ago in the Progressive Era. That is the path that the United States and
Europe have now rejected.
Bonnie Faulkner: In
your article you wrote that the result is “to split the world into pro-U.S.
economies going neoliberal, and economies maintaining public investment in
infrastructure and what used to be viewed as progressive capitalism.”
Michael Hudson: I
think when the Soviet Union fell apart and Russia and other countries invited
in U.S. advisors, they were under the impression that these neoliberals were
going to help them develop in the same way that the United States had developed
and become as prosperous and productive an industrial economy as the United
States.
What Russians didn’t realize was that the United States had no
intention of helping them get rich the way the United States did. U.S. advisors
came in to smash and grab. They de-industrialized Russia, as well as the
Baltics, and pulled up the connecting links from the old Soviet Union. The
effect was to turn Russia back into a raw materials supplier.
The result was not only poverty but mass emigration. Latvia, for
instance, is applauded as a “Baltic miracle,” as if it is a success story. The
miracle is that wages have been going down steadily for the last decade,
driving 10 to 20% of the population to leave – mainly working-age population.
The same thing occurred in Russia. Much of its technically trained engineers
and others left for the United States and helped U.S. industrialization.
Neoliberalizing Russia didn’t help it become more prosperous. But it made
American investors very rich for a while.
Bonnie Faulkner: What
about the post-2010 IMF loan packages to Greece? Are they an instance of the
IMF breaking its rules?
Michael Hudson: That
was when the debate within the IMF occurred over the “No More Argentinas” rule.
The IMF wasn’t supposed to lend to a country that had no visible ability to
repay. That is what my book Killing the Host is about. I have three chapters on
Greece as an example of how, in the past, the IMF would only smash up Third
World countries, mainly on behalf of U.S. mineral companies and other exporters.
Greece was the first European country that the IMF came in explicitly to smash
up in order to privatize it. I have a chapter on Latvia also, so this gets into
the topic that Killing the Host is about.
Bonnie Faulkner: You
write that Dominique Strauss-Kahn backed the hard-line U.S./European central
bank position regarding Greece. So did Christine Lagarde in 2015, overriding
staff protests.
Michael Hudson: The
IMF staff had opposed lending to Greece, because it couldn’t pay. But then
Strauss-Kahn met with French President Sarkozy and said that he wanted to run
for the French presidency. Sarkozy told him that he couldn’t possibly be a
successful politician in France if, as head of the IMF, he let Greece default
on its bonds. French banks would have suffered if the IMF didn’t bail them out.
Then, President Obama went to the Group of Twenty meeting, after
Tim Geithner, the Treasury Secretary, had been on the phone with Europe, and
said that if Greece didn’t pay the French and German bondholders, the American
banks had made huge bets and would go under – and so would big European banks
who were counterparties. So even though Strauss-Kahn knew that Greece couldn’t
pay, the whole system would go down’ – meaning the American banks would lose.
Obama and Geithner said that the IMF couldn’t let American gamblers lose on the
bets they had made on this financial horse race. It was deemed preferable to
break up Greece, even if this meant breaking up Europe. That was the tradeoff:
the banks vs. the Greek economy.
That’s the enormous asymmetry of the egotistic the U.S. stance.
It’s naked greed. They’re willing to smash the IMF, Greece and European
integration just so Goldman Sachs and the Wall Street banks that had made bets
that Greece would pay wouldn’t take a loss.
That led the head of the European section of the IMF to resign.
She went to Canada, I think, and the Canadians published her whistle-blowing
there. It destroyed the IMF’s credibility even before the Ukrainian crisis.
Bonnie Faulkner:
You’ve written that the reason for smashing Greece’s economy was to deter
Podemos in Spain and similar movements in Italy and Portugal from pursuing
national prosperity instead of eurozone austerity. Do you think that was an
important component?
Michael Hudson:
That’s certainly what the European Central Bank said was critical. They said,
‘We cannot let Syriza win,’ and the finance minister of Greece, Yanis
Varoufakis, said that he was told while meeting with the IMF and the Europeans
that democracy doesn’t matter. It doesn’t matter what the people voted for.
Greece was told to pay the debts that its previous corrupt governments had
agreed to.
The Financial Times and almost all the international press noted
that if Greece’s debt was written down to save it from being wrecked, the IMF
and the rest of the EU Troika would have to write down the debts of Italy,
Spain and Portugal. The whole debt collection system would go. So either the
troika would save the banks or save the economy. They said, ‘Save the banks,
not the economy.’
That’s also what President Obama did in the United States when
he bailed out the banks in 2008. He did not write down the debts or break up
the banks. That’s why Bernie Sanders is running today.
So essentially the U.S. orbit says, ‘Save the banks, not the economy.’
The problem is that the volume of interest-bearing debt grows exponentially.
Any rate of interest is a doubling time. So the debt is going to grow and grow
exponentially. That obliges debtor countries to impose deeper and deeper
austerity. And every economy that you impose this austerity on is going to
react like Russia or Latvia or Greece. There’s going to be emigration, a
decline in the birth rate, a rise in the death rate and a spread of disease.
There’s going to be a shrinking market as the debtor economy is torn apart.
The struggle of our time is over whether to save the banks or
the economy. In the end, the banks can’t be saved because most debts are
unpayable. The United States position is, in effect, ‘They may be unpayable out
of current earnings and current exports, but there’s still room to pay if you
sell off the public domain to the creditors.’
So what you’re having now is a vast global foreclosure process.
Creditors and bondholders are, in effect, taking payment in the form of
domestic roads, transport system, communications, water and sewer systems, and
similar infrastructure. I call this neo-feudalism. It’s rolling back industrial
capitalism. It’s rolling back the growth in markets, imposing economic
shrinkage and neo-feudalism. That’s what a rentier economy is. It’s a rent
extraction economy, not an economy earning profits by producing more and hiring
labor to produce and expand the economy. It’s the reverse of the dynamic of
industrial capitalism as everyone thought of it a century ago.
Bonnie Faulkner:
Michael Hudson, thank you very much.
Michael Hudson:
Well, it’s always great to be on your show and I’m glad you’re back, Bonnie.
I’ve been speaking with Dr. Michael Hudson. Today’s show has
been: The New Global Financial Cold War. Dr. Hudson is a financial economist
and historian. He is President of the Institute for the Study of Long-Term
Economic Trends, a Wall Street financial analyst and Distinguished Research
Professor of Economics at the University of Missouri, Kansas City. His 1972
book, Super-Imperialism: The Economic Strategy of American Empire, is a
critique of how the Untied States exploited foreign economies through the IMF
and World Bank. He is also author of Trade, Development and Foreign Debt and
The Myth of Aid, among many others. His latest book is, Killing the Host: How
Financial Parasites and Debt Destroy the Global Economy. Dr. Hudson acts as an
economic advisor to governments worldwide, including Iceland, Latvia and China
on finance and tax law. Visit his website at Michael-Hudson.com.
Guns and Butter is produced by Bonnie Faulkner, Yarrow Mahko and
Tony Rango. Visit us at gunsandbutter.org to listen to past programs, comment
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