April 08, 2019

There is only one thing to say about its seventieth anniversary: ​​NATO must be destroyed! Partito Communista

There is only one thing to say about its seventieth anniversary: ​​NATO must be destroyed!

06 April 2019of 
NATO was founded seventy years ago, in 1949, to block the ideological and political influence of socialism and the Soviet Union, which had greatly increased since the Second World War, as well as its military power. Since its foundation, NATO has become one of the headquarters of anti-communism and an imperialist alliance aimed at stopping the rise of the working class. Their war policies of relentless military aggression threatened direct military attacks, including nuclear ones, against countries that were building socialism. This was answered in May 1955 with the signing of the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance in Warsaw.
NATO was responsible for criminal attacks against the communists in its member states and was the center of counter-guerrilla organizations. It was an instrument that facilitated the expansionist goals of imperialism, through the manipulation and political restoration of other countries according to the interests of those who were at the top of the hierarchy and creating political space for counter-revolutionary ideas.
Another disastrous result of its creation was the arms race, which on the one hand created a great new market for the accumulation of capital for monopolies and, on the other hand, meant a severe blow to socialism on the part of capitalism, since he was forced to allocate large resources that could have improved the living conditions of the working class and workers more rapidly.
Imperialism is intensifying its aggressions in Ukraine, the Balkans, the Middle East, Asia, Latin America and the world. The United States uses NATO membership as a tool to align countries like Brazil and Colombia, where its collaborators are in power, in its policies, re-establishing its hegemony in Latin America. On the other hand, NATO favors incitement to nationalism as a means to increase the exploitation of the Balkan people. Furthermore, initiatives are being undertaken in the Middle East in order to create a blockade of Arab states against Iran, creating an exfoliation that is at the service of capital.
The resolution to increase the "defense costs" approved at the latest NATO summit is a clear imposition on all member states to increase the budget for their war machines through budget cuts to the primary popular needs. NATO is putting humanity's future in grave danger by accelerating the nuclear arms race.
On the other hand, the crisis of the capitalist-imperialist system becomes deeper and the manifestation of this crisis can be seen in the weakening of the imperialist alliances, in the aims pursued by the imperialist states in Europe and in the deterioration of the capacity of persuasion of capitalism on people. The PESCO agreement signed by EU member states to create their own war machine under the guise of "security and defense" and the frequent reference to a European army is a manifestation of this crisis. However, the alternative to NATO cannot be another capitalist military alliance, another capitalist "pole" or "savior", neither in Europe nor in other regions. The only way to peace against the growing aggression of capitalism is socialism, the brotherhood of the working classes.
NATO has been an active war organization for seventy years. The criminal list of these seventy years is full of lies, extortion, murder and massacres. There is only one thing to say on its seventieth anniversary: ​​NATO must be destroyed! Humanity must eliminate the arch-enemy of peace and security in the world, imperialism and its organizations like NATO, PESCO and the EU. For this reason, the struggle against NATO's counter-revolutionary organization can never be absent from the communist agenda. We, as members of the communist and workers' parties of the European Communist Initiative, will continue to fight to close all the military bases of NATO, throw out NATO and all its affiliates from our countries and geographical areas. We will continue to fight together to destroy this criminal organization before it still causes damage. We will continue to organize ourselves for the victory of socialism-communism.
Down with imperialism!
Long live socialism!
The ICE Secretariat

April 06, 2019

Let’s build the kind of Left that demands Canada withdraw from NATO by Yves Engler

Let’s build the kind of Left that demands Canada withdraw from NATO

Even the father of Medicare, Tommy Douglas, fell victim to NATO propaganda.
Final in a four-part series on the 70thanniversary of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
The first two installments discussed how NATO was set up to blunt the European left and to enable global  dominance while the third focused on NATO’s role in spurring conflict  and military spending. This article details the Left’s relationship with NATO.
The Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), the NDP’s predecessor, backed NATO. In early 1949 the National Council of the party announced, “the CCF  believes that Canada should support and join a North Atlantic security pact.” At its 1950 convention the party passed a resolution supporting NATO and, in coded reference to his aggressive response to its opponents, long time party secretary David Lewis writes, “the NATO  issue did not disappear. It had to be dealt with at every subsequent convention, and always produced one of the most heated debates.” Army Captain and party advisor Desmond Morton describes the battle over a compromise resolution on military alliances at the NDP’s founding convention in 1961. The motion to abandon NORAD, but stay in NATO, was “subjected  to a bitter, emotional attack from the floor. As they had done in so many CCF conventions, [MJ] Coldwell, [Tommy] Douglas and Lewis came to the microphones to hammer back the unilateralists.”
Party leaders did not only employ the power of persuasion. In addition to benefiting from the dominant ideological winds, the leadership employed the levers of power within the party. On one occasion, Coldwell threatened to resign as party leader if members did not support the North Atlantic treaty. When a group of Manitoba CCF members, including individuals elected to the provincial legislature, organized an anti-NATO group the provincial secretary blocked their access to the party’s mailing list. Federal MP and future party leader, Stanley Knowles also intervened to pressure the Manitoba CCF to punish prominent opponents of NATO and the provincial party expelled two former members of the Manitoba legislature for campaigning against the North Atlantic accord.
Two decades after its creation the NDP finally called on Ottawa to withdraw from NATO. But, its 1969 position was partially reversed in the mid-1980s, culminating in a 1987 “security” policy paper that equivocated on the subject. When members have submitted  resolutions critical of NATO at recent NDP conventions they have been buried. In a 2015 federal election debate party leader Tom Mulcair called the NDP “proud  members of NATO” and said his government would make the alliance a “cornerstone” of its foreign policy. There’s little indication that new leader Jagmeet Singh has changed  the party’s position.
On the eve of the 1980 referendum the Parti Québecois’ 1979 White Paper (Québec-Canada: A New Deal. The Québec Government Proposal for a New Partnership Between Equals: Sovereignty-Association) said an independent Québec would continue its membership in NATO. More recently, the PQ’s 2012 election platform pledged to remain in NATO. In its platform Québec’s other main sovereigntist party, Québec Solidaire, calls for “Canada’s  immediate withdrawal from NATO and NORAD.”
The Green Party has questioned “maintaining  membership in NATO” and called for “shifting our focus away from NATO war missions towards UN Peacekeeping contributions”, but they don’t appear to have explicitly asked to withdraw from the alliance. The Communist Party  and other smaller Left parties have called for withdrawing from NATO.
For decades the ‘house of labour’ backed NATO. The Canadian Labour Congress’ predecessors – the Canadian Congress of Labour and Trades and Labour Congress – supported the formation of NATO and the CLC’s inaugural convention called on the “Canadian  government not to falter or fail in its support of NATO”, which it described as a measure for “self-protection against aggression.” In 1957 the CLC “reiterated its support of NATO in the memorandum submitted to the government of Canada.” As part of an effort to promote the military alliance, the newly formed labour federation distributed 11,000 copies of a booklet titled “The Trade Unions and NATO”. The pamphlet explained, “unfortunately we still do have to spend large sums on defence, and the responsibility for the fact rests with international communism. Canadian labour firmly supports NATO.”
Through the 1960s the CLC continued to back NATO. It wasn’t until 1976 that the CLC “urged  the federal government to … deemphasize the military role of the North Atlantic organization.” In recent years the CLC and its affiliates have said little about NATO.
A number of peace organizations – Pugwash  Canada, Project Ploughshares, etc. – have taken ambiguous positions  towards NATO. The president of the antiwar Rideau Institute Peggy Mason attended  all NATO Council meetings when she was a lead adviser to Progressive Conservative MP and foreign minister Joe Clark from 1984 to 1989. During a 2012 National Defence Committee parliamentary meeting Mason noted, “I’m  talking as someone who has spent the better part of the last 10 years working with NATO.” The Rideau Institute president trained NATO commanders for peace and crisis stabilization operations and, according to Mason’s LinkedIn profile, continued in this role after taking over RI.
For their parts, the Canadian Peace Congress, Canadian Voice of Women for Peace, Canadian Peace Alliance and others openly call for Canada to withdraw from NATO, which shouldn’t be a controversial position for progressive organizations.
Though it would elicit howls of outrage from the militarists, withdrawing from NATO would not be particularly radical. European countries such as Sweden and Finland aren’t part of the alliance, nor are former British dominions Australia and New Zealand, not to mention Canada’s NAFTA and G7 partners Mexico and Japan. Still, withdrawing from NATO would dampen pressure to spend on the military and to commit acts of aggression in service of the US-led world order. It’s long past time to do so.

The Berlin Wall, thirty years later Written by Graham Harrington on 7th March 2019



“The bourgeoisie turns everything into a commodity, hence also the writing of history. It is part of its being, of its condition for existence, to falsify all goods: it falsified the writing of history. And the best-paid historiography is that which is best falsified for the purposes of the bourgeoisie.”
Frederick Engels, “Notes for a History of Ireland” (1869–1870).
 https://socialistvoice.ie/2019/03/the-berlin-wall-thirty-years-later/

This year will be the thirtieth anniversary of the destruction of the Berlin Wall. No doubt this will be accompanied by an ideological onslaught by the capitalist media on the German Democratic Republic, with a few obligatory mentions of the Stasi thrown in.
It will not be necessary to inform the readers of Socialist Voice that this fawning over “freedom and democracy” is laughable, given that the same voices have the gall to portray themselves as democrats, despite their support for the neo-Nazis and other fascists in government in Ukraine, Hungary and Poland and their support for the fascist Bolsonaro in Brazil and his counterparts in the Venezuelan opposition.
However, it is worth pointing out some historical facts on the GDR from a working-class viewpoint.
The creation of the GDR was a reaction to the creation of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949, after the Western-controlled sectors of Berlin introduced a separate currency so as to undermine the economic stability of the Eastern side. Contrary to what is taught in the capitalist education system, the Soviet Union and its allies never wanted a partitioned Germany, instead favouring a unified but neutral state. But in 1952 the Soviet proposals for German reunification were rejected by the West, under its chancellor, Konrad Adenauer. West Germany was later armed and financed by the United States.
The GDR was created in an area that composed only a third of German territory, had little heavy industry, and had suffered immense damage in the war, with a population who were indoctrinated with Nazi propaganda and threats of Jews taking over. Up to 30 per cent of industry in the east was given to the USSR as reparations for the war, which had cost 26 million Soviet lives.
By necessity, the new ruling party of the GDR, the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED), was unashamedly a party of veteran anti-fascists, some of whom were Jewish. Otto Grotewohl, the first prime minister of the GDR, had been imprisoned by the Nazis several times. Walter Ulbricht was a former joiner; his successor, Erich Honecker, was a former roofer who had spent ten years in a Nazi prison.
Albert Norden, a member of the Central Committee of the SED, was the son of a rabbi. Herman Axen was from a Jewish family and had survived internment in both Auschwitz and Buchenwald. Hilde Benjamin, the GDR’s first woman minister, was also a Jew, who had lost her right to practise law under the Nazis, while her husband was murdered in Mauthausen slave-labour camp.
In sharp contrast to this, the West German state was filled with former Nazis. Hans Globke was a Nazi who not only worked under Adolf Eichmann but jointly wrote the infamous Nuremberg Laws and later became adviser to Adenauer.
The West offered financial incentives to citizens of the East should they move to the West. Of course these incentives, such as housing and interest-free loans, were not offered to all but only to those among the professional classes. This resulted in a “brain drain,” which massively affected the GDR. This, along with acts of sabotage and blatant espionage by the likes of the CIA, BND (the West German secret service), and MI6, led the East German state to close its borders. The result was the “anti-fascist protection barrier,” erected in 1961.
The wall came down in 1989, and not long afterwards the GDR was annexed by the West.
The Berlin Wall may not be a glamorous historical topic for communists, but we should always approach history in a principled way, and see what we can learn from it. Border walls are seldom a nice thing, but we should always ask, Who benefits? Who benefits from the walls in Palestine? Who benefits from the peace walls in Belfast, keeping our class divided?
And we must also ask, Who benefited from the GDR? Certainly the working class did, as did women. It’s not surprising that those in the East continue to say in poll after poll that they regret the fall of their state. They had a universal health service, universal education and public housing, more theatres than any other state on earth, a collective sense of belonging that is alien to anybody in a capitalist society, and equality for women, including child care and access to abortion, that was unashamedly working-class feminism. All this while the GDR kept up its international obligations, providing support for revolutionaries in Mozambique, Angola, and elsewhere.
Considering the hand the GDR leadership was dealt, and its anti-fascist credentials, we should keep an open mind on the more unattractive aspects and always approach things with an open mind.

April 04, 2019

From the Archives: Interview with Marxist Theoritician Hans Heinz Holz, 26 October 2007, Dublin

Interview with Marxist Theoritician Hans Heinz Holz, 26 October 2007, Dublin


Hans Heinz Holz is a leading German communist philosopher who has been active in the Movement since the end of WW2. He was a keynote speaker at the Communist University of Britain in 2007. His book _The Downfall and Future of Socialism_ is in print. His more recent publication, _Communists Today_, has just been translated into English and will provide a useful resource for Marxist self-education and Club discussion. Only occasionally do I feel truly staggered by the breadth and nuance of a thinker, - Hans Heinz Holz is one of those immense dialectical intellects who writes for Marxist militants.
____________________________________________________________________



http://www.cym.ie/documents/hhh.pdf


For our readers who might not know you would you mind telling us a little
about yourself?

After the 2nd world war I started with being a journalist because it was then absolutely impossible for a Marxist to make a career in the university. I first worked for our party newspapers until the prohibition of the party in 1956 and afterwards as a free lance journalist first in Germany and after 1960 in Switzerland. When the student movement at the end of the 60’s developed there came the demand for Marxism at the university’s and with the support of the student movement and student unions in Germany I was nominated as a professor of philosophy at the University of Malburg and later on at the University of Honing. I stayed 8 years in Malburg and 18 in Honing years teaching philosophy but always engaged and involved with politics, naturally.
After the re-foundation of the Communist Party in Western Germany I was engaged
in politics there. I would say the main point of my work is Marxist theory though in the last 15 years after the collapse of socialism in eastern Europe I have done much
base work in the party with the committee for a new party program.
When did you first get involved in politics?
When I was 16, that was in 1943, we were already in the fascist era in Germany I
formed a little resistance movement in my school. This was not for political reasons
but for moral reasons, against the immorality of the fascist system. I was imprisoned
in 1943 and it was there I met in the same cell a young communist worker. It was he
who introduced me to Marxism, the elementary points of Marxism. That was my first
commitment in politics.
How long did you spend in prison?
Until the end of the war, 2 years.
That must have been extremely hard for a 16 year old?
Yes, well it was a fascist era. Fascism is a very hard thing!
Immediately after the war I began to study the texts of the classic Marxism.
Especially I was influenced by works like ‘State and Revolution’ by Lenin and I would
say also by the Hegel texts of Lenin, and also by the small works of Stalin in
dialectical and historical Marxism. And naturally the text of ‘State and Revolution’
brought in the question of the October Revolution. I immediately understood this was
the change of an era, change of the world going over to a new formation of society.
Then followed an intense study of Marx and Lenin and the question of revolution at
that time was being actualized by the Chinese Revolution in 1949 and the Cuban
Revolution in 1959. Revolution accompanied my life!
What were the challenges that faced building socialism after the October
Revolution?

The special situation of the Russian revolution was that it was not prepared by a development of capitalism. The transition of feudalism to capitalism in the French
Revolution was prepared by 200 years of early capitalism that was not the case in
the Soviet Union. That means the revolution was not just a transition of power but it
had to build that what capitalist society should have built up before. That was one of the situations. The second was, a great part of the population in Russia was still
illiterate and you can’t develop participatory democracy without an educated people.
There was an immense and huge education program for the first decades of the
Soviet Union. This was the first step to build up a socialist democracy it was not
possible to have this social democracy in the first stage and this brought forth 
contradictions in the first phase, that socialism could not be build up by the broad
masses but had to be built up by the minority of the working class which was a very
small minority compared to the peasants and also by the party. The party had to be a
leading power in developing ideas but also administratively and that naturally had the
consequence of developing a special form of party bureaucracy. This was not due to
any bad will of persons but was from objective conditions.
What were the achievements of the early soviet state?
First the educational problems, second the social problems that meant a better
provision of medical treatment, the overcoming of unemployment, there was no
unemployment in the Soviet Union and I would stress the development of all cultural
potentiality of man. I was in the soviet union in the 50’s and 60’s and it was
stupendous the the worker in the plants were engaged in cultural activities like the
fine arts, sociology and philosophy that they were really engaged in these subjects
and all this stuff that we have not in western world. And a great freedom in conditions of doing what they did in the plants, the worker in the soviet union and the socialist countries had much more personal rights than any worker here in the western world.
It is a legend that there was no freedom. There were other structures in the decision
making and administration with problems but in daily life the freedom of the worker
was much greater than here.
Why did you write your book ‘Downfall and Future of Socialism’ in 1992?
It appeared in 1991 in German and 1992 in English. It was a situation when all 
leftists were depressed by the collapse. I felt it necessary at that moment to say that the defeat did not mean that there was no future for socialism. I needed to say what was the theoretical background, what were the achievements and also the faults which were done so they wont be repeated next time.
You listed 3 main reasons for the collapse they were the immaturity of
economic conditions to begin with, the subsequent development of the corrupt
bureaucracy, and finally the impoverishment of theory. Can you comment on
these 15 years later?

I would say for the checklist of reasons all three reasons are still very decisive 
after 15 years of study I would add many more. I think even more than I stressed in
the book the impoverishment of theory was one of the main points because it made
an open gate for the infiltration of western ideas, the revisionism as we say. And with the 20th party congress of the Soviet Union, not so much with the moralistic
incrimination of Stalinism that was not the right historical view point, but the decisive thing was Khrushchev made as criteria for the development of the Soviet Union the living standards of the United States. The living standards of the United States is the living standard of a capitalist country with imperialist expansion, and a living standard that only touches half of the population the other half live in poverty. This should not be an aim. It set a target for all those who were still coming out of the old society with its old ideas and America was a symbol for them. This was the decisive break in of a non-socialist idea. This expanded because the theory was so poor. And the theory began to become poor I would say after Stalin. During the period of Stalin’s power there were a lot of intense theoretical discussion in the scientific magazines and it is not true that Stalin was the cause of the impoverishment of theory. It was after him.
Do you think this made way for Gorbachev’s reforms?
It was I would say a straight consequential line from Khrushchev to Gorbachev. At
any moment at this time it had been possible to counter act but it wasn’t done.
You wrote, ‘Whoever would learn from history must reflect upon it, what must
we reflect upon now?
We need to reflect upon the contradictory development of each historical process
and we need to reflect upon the specificity of each contradiction in itself, a
contradiction of Russia. So today we need to reflect upon the specific contradiction 
in China and as our Cuban comrade said yesterday we need to reflect upon the
contradiction which are in the development of Cuba. That is the point of reflection so we can learn from history what reasons are for the generation of these contradictions for the solutions of these so we can learn how not to do it again. I think we can realize that there are certain features and constant traits in history. If you read some of the ancient historians, Thucydides, you find very similar structures even in quite other social formations and if you are keeping in mind that history has only a certain range of possibilities because there are anthropological traits that are in mankind than you can learn from history. I think it is a strategy of late capitalism and even of the social democrats to destroy our relation with history, to be anti-historical or ahistorical.
We Marxists have the task to develop the historical understanding.
What do you draw inspiration from today?
I think for me socialism, or better to say communism, is the logical as well as the
historically only alternative to the capitalist system, for reasons of dialectical logic.
I would say one state of time of society can only be overcome by its determinate
negation. It is not that we have capitalism or a utopian idea of society. We have to
ask what are the main characteristics of capitalism? Private property in the
production means and the accumulation of capital profit of surplus an alternative
society must overcome these main traits of capitalism and therefore socialism is the
logical result. The historical reason is within in the capitalist system as a necessary
moment in the system developed the working class and the working class is the only
class which is not part of the profits of the surplus in so far as the working class 
and the revolutionary movement of the working class is the historical reason why
communism is the only alternative to capitalist system. But that does not mean that 
it comes of itself we can also have the negative chance of barbarism even of the end of humanity. Therefore we must develop the consciousness of the working class. The
working class now has other structures than of the 19th century class therefore we
must analyze these latest developments not on the question of whether there is no
working class but upon the changes within the working class and we must have ideas
of how to mobilize the working class and develop political insight and class
consciousness and therefore the impulse to change society. That is my hope and my
life work. I am 60 years in the communist movement. It is my whole life to work in 
this direction to help prepare the minds of men. As Lenin always said, without
consciousness we will have no revolutionary moment. It is an important part of the
movement to develop and spread the theory among the people. It is no only a
question of academic development, but you must have that to have a good
popularization. But the popularization is always necessary that is why I always write
for newspapers and not only am writing academic pieces or books. In my academic
work I have written 3 volumes on the history of dialectics since the renaissance and 
3 volumes on aesthetic problems. That is the academic level upon which you elaborate
ideas but then they must be brought and adopted by the masses. That is a large
question for trade unions, the educational work of trade unions.
Would you comment on Venezuela today?
Venezuela is not yet socialism and if you look back to the Cuban revolution it was not socialism in the beginning but it developed out of its internal reasons. I see one danger in the development of Venezuela there is much influence of utopian
socialism, that Marxism for the 21st century, the books of Diderik I don’t know if you have heard of him. Well he is an advisor of Chavez otherwise he would just be an
intellectual. In this function he has a lot of ‘queer’ ideas influenced by American
human rights ideas and if Chavez follows this counsel, he is not the only one, that
might be a dubious thing. I spoke with Cuban comrades who were disquieted by the
influence Diderik has in Latin America.
Who is this Diderik?
He is a German who taught at the University of Mexico. He visited Chavez in jail and
had interviews with him and from then he has had contact with him and know he is
traveling the world propagating his ideas.
In this respect it is absolutely necessary to elaborate theory and strengthen
theoretical discourse.
What about the positives of Venezuela?
I think there are very many positives from the fact that this country resists 
US Imperialism and this has huge influence even in the bourgeois leftist circles, for
example in Argentine, Brazil although Lula is a separate question, also in Ecuador in
Bolivia. It is a positive influence and I hope that under the influence of the real
situation in the country Chavez will develop more and more in the socialist direction
and as I understand he has great respect for Fidel Castro and Fidel will be of great
good I think. I admire Castro. He is one of the very great men of the last century.

From the Archives (2015): Etienne Balibar: “A period of intense debate on Marxist philosophy”

French Marxist philosopher Étienne Balibar in 2011

ORIGINAL FRENCH ARTICLE: Étienne Balibar : « Une période d’intense débat autour de la philosophie marxiste »
by Jérôme Skalski
Etienne Balibar: “A period of intense debate on Marxist philosophy”
Translated Friday 27 March 2015, by Gene Zbikowski

  • The philosopher Etienne Balibar reflects on Louis Althusser, who with the publication of For Marx was one of the main participants in the conceptual and intellectual debate within Marxism in the 1960s and 1970s. Etienne Balibar was Louis Althusser’s student and disciple and is the author of the study “On the fundamental concepts of historical materialism” which was published in Reading Capital in 1965.

Fifty years ago, Althusser’s For Marx was published, and under his editorship, Reading Capital. What was the context of the debate at the time?

Etienne Balibar: To put things very quickly, I’ll say that your question has both an intellectual and even academic aspect; and an ideological and political aspect. I belong to a generation that entered the Ecole normale supérieure [grande école for training secondary school teachers] in 1960. From a historical point of view, this isn’t unimportant. In our group, which formed around Althusser little by little, there were students of course, but also disciples. People who were a little older, like Pierre Macherey, and people who were a little younger, who arrived just afterwards, the future Maoists, like Dominique Lecourt. That stretched out over five or six years.
So, on the one hand, 1960 was two years before the end of the Algerian war, and it was the year, give or take a few months, when Jean-Paul Sartre’s Critique of Dialectical Reason was published.
We’d been politicized by the Algerian war. We were all activists in the National Union of Students of France, which was the first French union to undertake meeting the Algerian unions that were linked to the National Liberation Front, to try and coordinate anti-war activity. This context wasn’t only one of intense politicization and mobilization, but also one of very lively internal conflict. The basis of our politicization was rather that of anti-colonial mobilization, and consequently was anti-imperialist. The social dimension existed, but it came a little bit on top of the rest.
On the other hand, it was a period of intense debate on Marxist philosophy in which an undeniable role was not only played by the Communist Party’s Marxist philosophers, but also by important Marxist philosophers who either were no longer members of the Communist Party, like Henri Lefebvre, or belonged to non-communist Marxist tendencies. And then there was Jean-Paul Sartre, who described himself as a fellow traveler and who had just published this big work in which he undertook the refoundation of Marxism, and in which there figured, in the introduction, the famous phrase that is often quoted incorrectly: “Marxism remains the philosophy of our time. We cannot go beyond it.”

I don’t say that all the philosophical work in France was on Marx. That would be completely false. But let’s say that the debate on Marxism was really and simultaneously very visible, very intense, very passionate, and very interesting.
This was also the period when the Communist Party decided to organize a center of studies in Marxist research, with reviews like La Pensée [Thought] and La Nouvelle Critique [New Critique]. It decided to organize the Weeks of Marxist Thought.
To give you an idea of the period, I’ll talk about 1961, the year that followed the publication of Sartre’s book. The main event was the Week of Marxist Thought for 1961. It featured a debate between Sartre and our own director of the Ecole normale supérieure, Jean Hippolyte, the famous Hegelian specialist, on the one hand; and Roger Garaudy, representing the official philosophical line of the French Communist Party, and Jean-Pierre Vigier, a former member of the Resistance, physician and philosopher, and member of the Central Committee, on the other hand.
This debate was held in the great hall of the Maison de la Mutualité in Paris, which was packed full. It was an enormous event. Althusser was an agrégé teacher of philosophy, and was the coach or tutor charged with preparing us for the agrégation exam. Obviously, his courses weren’t on Marxism, but on all sorts of other subjects. However, he had begun publishing in La Pensée in 1961, an initial article was followed by several others, and they immediately aroused a lively debate inside and outside the Communist Party. This immediately attracted our interest. We went to meet him and we proposed creating a working group, which progressively became a little team. Of course, it didn’t last long. Even before 1968, it didn’t stand up to the rather intense internal tension, but for several years we worked together systematically on both Marxism and the French philosophy of the period, where the big event to us was the birth of structuralism. We organized a public seminar that went on all year. It was immediately published. At that time, Althusser’s influence was at its height in a certain section of the Marxist-influenced or Marxist leftist intelligentsia in France.

What was the orientation of Louis Althusser’s thought?

Etienne Balibar: I don’t know if I can do a good job of summing things up. First off, even though Althusser did a self-criticism later on to say that, in a certain way, he had forgotten politics, I think that, right from his first articles, there were two dimensions to Althusser’s undertaking, political and philosophical. Obviously, for many young Marxists and even young philosophers more generally, one of the most attractive aspects (and justly so) of Althusser’s undertaking was that he didn’t want to sacrifice either of the two aspects to the benefit of the other.
On the one hand, he wanted to make Marxism a great philosophy, and on the other hand, he had a very political conception of philosophy in which Marxism was – as Marx’s 11th thesis on Feuerbach says – not only a means of interpreting the world, but also of changing it.
All this may seem a bit distant today, but his contribution was organized around structuring two aspects of Marxism, which Stalin had defined in a famous brochure [Dialectical and Historical Materialism, 1938], which of course dogmatized things, but which I think had a great influence on Althusser’s mind. On the one hand, dialectical materialism, the philosophical aspect of Marxism, and on the other hand, historical materialism, that is to say, the theory of history, and consequently the theory of politics and of social change.

Wasn’t Spinoza a thinker of radical democracy, too? Philosophically, is Althusser’s Marxism a return to Spinoza?

Etienne Balibar: Althusser admired the Spinoza of the Theologico-Political Treatise. But that wasn’t the aspect that interested him the most. You’re perfectly right to say that Spinoza’s thought was radically democratic. This is an aspect that came to the fore quite a while ago, and which has been taken up by very different philosophers, some of whom indeed come from Marxism. However, this wasn’t the aspect that interested Althusser. Not because he was hostile to it, but he basically thought that radical democracy was a transition, an intermediary stage towards the dictatorship of the proletariat. He was a very orthodox Marxist on this score.
The aspect of Spinoza that he emphasized concerned the theory of ideology. With Spinoza, we get the first great materialist critique of ideology. Althusser defended a paradoxical thesis. I can understand that it deeply shocked many Marxists of the time but, on the other hand, it was also very attractive to some of us. The idea was that the concept of ideology was a fundamental aspect of Marx’s theoretical revolution. Not just the critique of bourgeois ideology, but the critique of ideology in general. That seemed to him to be a very important point in the debates within communism at the time, which he characterized as dominated by the ideological complex that he termed economism and humanism. He thought that the Marxist tradition on ideology was weak and that Marx, although he’d had the genius to invent the concept of ideology, had a very poor analysis of ideology.
So, in Spinoza he found the elements of a materialist critique of ideology which was neither Feuerbachian nor Hegelian nor attached to a philosophy of history, nor to the concept of the alienation of Man and of human essence. All that was quite compatible with what was called Althusser’s scientism, as he expressed it in the idea of an epistemological break, and it led him to the neighborhood of structuralism. Althusser very quickly condemned these positions in his Elements of Self-criticism (1974).

What remains today of Althusser’s philosophical contribution and of the debates of the time?

Etienne Balibar: My point of view, obviously, is that we need a critique of capitalism that is up to the demands of the present. The demands of the present is globalization, the inextricably mixed nature of the economic problem and the ecological problem. It’s the emergence of new forms of governance, as they say, which are partly and simultaneously infra-nation-state and supra-nation-state or post-nation-state. It’s a generalized re-working. We need a new critique of political economy and of politics.
Not only is Marx not superfluous to this undertaking, but he’s absolutely indispensable. He himself will come out of this undertaking changed. Althusser, in one of the last texts that he undertook to write, designated Marxism as a finite theory. Obviously, it was a formidable play on words at the time. Everybody was talking about the end of Marxism. Althusser said: this isn’t the end of Marxism, but he emphasized the need for Marxism to define its own internal limits, its own historical limits. It can be said that he became more historicist than he had initially been, in a certain way.
We’ve already entered a new phase in the interpretation of Marxism which, inevitably, is perhaps also such a radical phase of transformation of Marxism that it will certainly come out completely unrecognizable. From this point of view, what happened in the mid-1960s is very interesting, and not only because of theoretical suggestions that were made at the time and which have not all been explored. In some ways, Althusser’s self-criticism had negative effects. But above all because of the fact that Althusser wasn’t the only protagonist in this debate on the refoundation of Marxism. In a certain way, it was the great common enterprise of Marxists in different countries in the middle of those years.
For me, Althusser has a kind of biographical privilege, but there isn’t any absolute privilege. What he was able to contribute can’t be measured and discussed if you don’t broaden the angle of vision.
In the 1960s, there was, in the framework of German Marxist criticism, a new reading of Capital which owes a lot to the Frankfurt School and which was particularly centered on the phenomena of social alienation linked to the generalization of the commodity form. That was something that Althusser didn’t know well or which he rejected.
There were the different currents of Italian workerism, whose grand figure is Mario Tronti, and who was writing, at exactly the same time as Althusser and his group, a book of re-reading of Capitalwhich, on some points overlaps Althusser and which on other points diverges radically.
But you could broaden the perspective more with the currents of critical Marxism in Latin America, and then with the tradition of Marxist history illustrated in the English-speaking world by Eric Hobsbawm, Maurice Dobb, Christopher Hill and Perry Anderson.
If you go back to 1965, you see a Marxism in full effervescence, in full contradiction with itself. On the one hand, the dead weight of the crisis of state communism, and on the other hand, the revolutionary hopes. In the middle of all that, a capacity to renew the links between Marxist philosophy and living philosophy. We can’t begin anew in exactly the same way. But that certainly contains a positive notion for today.

Ecrits pour Althusser.
 

Etienne Balibar is professor emeritus at Paris-Ouest Nanterre-la Défense University and is a professor of English, French and comparative literature, affiliated with the anthropology department at the University of California-Irvine in the United States. He’s the author of Ecrits pour Althusser, published by La Découverte in 1991. Among his latest works is Equaliberty: Political Essays published by Duke University Press in 2014. 

Angela Davis on Protest, 1968, and Her Old Teacher, Herbert Marcuse


Angela Davis on Protest, 1968, and Her Old Teacher, Herbert Marcuse

By  Literary Hub

As I write in May 2018, in the city of Paris, French students and workers are conducting demonstrations, sit-ins, and occupations with the aim of challenging the Macron government’s harsh attacks on labor and its announced efforts to restrict access to higher education. These protests reflect a growing consciousness of deepening structural inequalities in the Global North—especially for people of color, immigrants from the South, and more generally, poor and working class communities suffering the effects of global capitalism.
As if to accentuate the significance of the publication this year of the graphic biography, Herbert Marcuse, Philosopher of Utopia, these demonstrations in Paris coincide with the 50th anniversary of the 1968 student/worker uprisings, with which his utopian ideas have been historically associated. But serendipitously, Marcuse was in fact in Paris during the 1968 protests, attending, along with Lucien Goldmann and others, a United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) conference on Marx. Students who had occupied the École des Beaux Arts recognized him as he walked back to his hotel from the conference and invited him to speak to the assembly. When he addressed them, he brought greetings from the developing movement in the United States and, according to Andrew Feenberg, who accompanied him, praised the students for their critiques of capitalist consumerism.
In 1968, I was one of Herbert Marcuse’s graduate students at UC San Diego, and we all benefited both from his deep knowledge of European philosophical traditions and from the fearless way he manifested his solidarity with movements challenging military aggression, academic repression, and pervasive racism. Marcuse counseled us always to acknowledge the important differences between the realms of philosophy and political activism, as well as the complex relation between theory and radical social transformation.
At the same time, he never failed to remind us that the most meaningful dimension of philosophy was its utopian element. “When truth cannot be realized within the established social order, it always appears to the latter as mere utopia.” As new generations of scholars and activists ponder the role of intellectuals in shaping radical movements of this era, I believe that Marcuse’s ideas can be as valuable today as they were 50 years ago.

Shortly before the death of his longtime Frankfurt School colleague Theodor W. Adorno, Marcuse urgently debated with him the significance of the student movement. The focal point of their sometime intense exchange was Adorno’s justification of the fact that the police were called in response to a student occupation of the Institute for Social Research. In criticizing this reliance on the police, Marcuse insisted that “if the alternative is the police or left-wing students, then I am with the students. . . . I still believe that our cause . . . is better taken up by the rebellious students than by the police.”

“When truth cannot be realized within the established social order, it always appears to the latter as mere utopia.”

Marcuse pointed out that even as he rejected the “unmediated translation of theory into praxis,” he recognized that theory can be advanced by praxis and that although student activism of that period was neither unfolding within a revolutionary situation, nor even, he insisted, in a “pre-revolutionary one,” it demanded recognition of new possibilities of emancipation. It brought in, he said, some much needed fresh air when the world was suffocating in so many ways. “It is the air that we . . . also want to breathe some day, and it is certainly not the air of the establishment.”
While Marcuse did not always agree with particular tactics of radical movements of that era, he was very clear about the extent to which calls for black liberation, peace, gender justice, and for the restructuring of education represented important emancipatory tendencies of the era and, indeed, helped to push theory in progressive directions. An Essay on Liberation and Counterrevolution and Revolt, as well as his 1974 Stanford University lecture on “Marxism and Feminism,” offers us evidence of his own efforts to engage directly with ideas associated with movements of that period. His reference to “feminist socialism” in the latter essay predicted the important influence of anti-capitalist and anti-racist feminism on many contemporary movements, including prison abolition, campaigns against police violence, and justice for people with disabilities. The explicitly utopian dimension of Marcuse’s thought attracted young intellectuals and activists during the historical conjuncture we associate with the uprisings of 1968.
Fifty years later, as we confront the persisting globalities of slavery and colonialism, along with evolving structures of racial capitalism, Herbert Marcuse’s ideas continue to reveal important lessons. The insistence on imagining emancipatory futures, even under the most desperate of circumstances, remains—Marcuse teaches us—a decisive element of both theory and practice.

America's socialist surge is going strong in Chicago, Micah Uetricht

America's socialist surge is going strong in Chicago

Micah Uetricht in The Guardian

Jeanette Taylor new Councillor in the 20th Ward

Tuesday night’s elections saw the largest socialist electoral victory in modern American history
@micahuetricht
Wed 3 Apr 2019 15.52 BST

The United States is experiencing a socialist surge right now. That surge came to Chicago last night, where democratic socialists won big in the second, final round of municipal elections.
Three Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) members won their city council races in runoff elections on Tuesday: Byron Sigcho-Lopez in the 25th ward, Jeanette Taylor in the 20th and Andre Vasquez in the 40th. The fourth candidate, Rossana Rodriguez-Sanchez, is locked in a race in the 33rd ward that is too close to call and will await the counting of mail-in ballots, but was up by 64 votes once all precincts’ votes were counted.
They will join two other socialists who handily won the first round of elections outright in February: Carlos Rosa, an incumbent in the 35th ward, and Daniel La Spata, who defeated an incumbent in the first ward.

"Whatever Nancy Pelosi says, youthful zest is moving US politics to the left!"-Clio Chang

Add them up and you’ve got at least five, maybe six democratic socialists who will be on the 50-member Chicago city council. Few major American cities have seen even a single socialist councilor in generations; the third-largest city in the US could soon have half a dozen. It’s the largest socialist electoral victory in modern American history.
The socialists won by strong, straightforward campaigning on working-class issues. Rosa, for example, made his race a referendum on affordable housing in a rapidly gentrifying neighborhood, painting big real estate developers as the enemy and demanding rent control in the city.
Taylor, a longtime neighborhood and education activist on the city’s South Side, demanded the forthcoming Barack Obama presidential library in her ward include a community benefits agreement to fight displacement of working-class residents. In 2015, she participated in a 34-day hunger strike to demand the reopening of Walter H Dyett high school; her website homepage reads: “Send a Dyett hunger strike to city hall.”
And Rodriguez campaigned on a history of activism for affordable housing and immigrant rights in a gentrifying, working-class immigrant neighborhood and against privatization of public services and expansion of police power in the city.
In other words, these democratic socialists ran as unabashed fighters against corporate greed and austerity and for the city’s working class.
 Political observers and organizers should take these victories as a lesson: voters found that strong leftwing message appealing
Political observers and organizers should take these victories as a lesson: voters found that strong leftwing message appealing – and weren’t scared off by candidates who proudly called themselves “socialists”.
Socialism is spreading throughout the US, as seen in the popularity of the Vermont senator Bernie Sanders and New York representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and the huge bump in DSA membership, increasing more than seven times over to 60,000 in the past three years. But what sets Chicago apart from many other cities in America – and played a crucial role in last night’s socialist victories – is that the left wing of the city’s labor movement hasn’t been afraid to partner with democratic socialist candidates.
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Since its 2012 strike, the Chicago Teachers Union has served as the anchor of the city’s labor left. The CTU, along with community groups and other progressive unions such as SEIU Healthcare Illinois and Indiana, formed a political organization called United Working Families (UWF) in 2015. Many union leaders, in Chicago and elsewhere, are skittish about backing openly socialist candidates.
UWF appears not to be, endorsing most of the DSA’s city council candidates (and in many cases expended significant resources on them). Another progressive electoral group, Reclaim Chicago, was the principal backer of two of the victorious DSA members, Vasquez and La Spata.
That coalition of left unions and community groups will be crucial in the years to come. Last night also saw the election of the Chicago’s first black woman mayor, as well as its first lesbian mayor, Lori Lightfoot, a former prosecutor and corporate lawyer.
Lightfoot claimed to be a progressive, but her record has been scrutinized by criminal justice activists and the CTU (which backed Lightfoot’s opponent, Cook county board president Toni Preckwinkle); she drew a large donation from a murky “dark money” group that uses vague pro-austerity rhetoric as well as support from Emanuel’s personal lawyer. The city’s labor movement and left will probably find themselves joining together to fight Lightfoot in office.
Chicago’s socialist victories last night weren’t a fluke. Throughout the country, people are tired of low wages, soaring housing costs, privatization of public goods, budget cuts and corporate giveaways of public money. They have tried austerity and found it miserable.
If Chicago’s elections are any indication, maybe they’re ready to try socialism.
Micah Uetricht is the managing editor of Jacobin magazine. He is the author of Strike for America: Chicago Teachers Against Austerity (Verso, 2014) and a member of the Chicago Democratic Socialists of America

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